No hollywood script beats this script

A chilling statutory declaration

Nov 21, 06 12:28pm

The following is the Nov 7, 1998 statutory declaration detailing Dr Munawar A Anees’ harrowing treatment by the police after he was detained under ISA. [Warning: Contains explicit language].


I, Dr Munawar Ahmad Anees, hereby declare and state as follows:

1. At about 10.30am on Sept 14, 1998, I was at home at No 474, Jalan 17/13A, Happy Garden, Petaling Jaya.

2. I had just started checking my email on the computer when I noticed that about 10 to 12 people had suddenly come into the compound of my house. The front main gate into the house was open at that time. I heard the noise of people inside the house. I came down from the first floor of my house and on the way down told my wife, Nadia, that lots of people had suddenly come to the house. She came down as well.

3. As soon as I entered the main living room on the ground floor, one man from that large group came to me and identified himself as Inspector Mazlan. He said that he was arresting me under the Internal Security Act for posing a threat to the national security of Malaysia. He immediately handcuffed me. By now, I noticed that some from that group of people who had come in had seated themselves on chairs in the living room while others were talking to my driver.

4. The entire group were in plainclothes and had no visible identification on them that they were police officers. I was not shown any warrant for my arrest. No one produced any search warrant.

5. As soon as I was handcuffed, one person who did not identify himself asked to go to my study. I asked for my handcuffs to be removed. He refused. About five to six of them then went to my study. The way they walked about in my house indicated familiarity with the place. They entered my study without my permission and ransacked the entire room. They went through everything there: all the drawers, my computer, the software, papers, magazines, books, everything that was there. This exhaustive search took them about an hour. They were careless and rough in their search and showed no regard for things. They removed everything that they could take: videos, audiotapes, faxes, disks, books, photos, magazines.

They even opened several sealed letters that had just come with the mail. They took things from inside drawers, from the bookshelves, from within files. They took my tax returns and my personal and family photographs that were there.

6. At one point one of the members of that group asked about the room that faced the study. I told him it was my daughter's room. Several of them went into that room but I do not know what, if anything, they removed from that room.

7. My wife was with me all the time. She was frightened and terribly shaken at what was happening to us in our own house and was trembling. She was holding onto me and we were both trying to encourage each other, she more than me because I was already suffering from heavy palpitations at this point.

I asked her for some water. She got me the water.

8. The police placed all items taken from the first floor of my house and my study in a cardboard box which they had brought with them. They took me down to the living room and there announced that they were taking me away. I was never told what my offence was and I was never shown any search warrant or warrant of arrest.

9. I turned to my wife and held her. She was on the verge of tears and my parting words to her were to be strong.

10. I did not see my wife again after that until Sept 19, 1998 when I was taken to the court by the police.

11. The police bundled me out of my house pulling me along by the handcuffs. I was placed in the back of an unmarked Proton car which had been driven into the compound of my house.

Inspector Mazlan sat in the front passenger seat of the car and two other officers sat on the back seat with me, one on either side.

12. After about a half hour drive I arrived at what I think was the Travers Road Police Station. The entire team of police officers got down from the car and once again I was bundled out of the car. The rest of the group of police who had been at my house also arrived there shortly after that.

13. My breathing at this time was laboured as my palpitations had worsened and my arms had gone numb. I complained to Inspector Mazlan but he ignored my request that I needed medical attention for my heart condition.

14. I was taken into a room somewhere within a building at that police station. There in that room I was left standing while one of them emptied the contents of the cardboard box onto a large table and started to group and separate the things they had taken from my house. Inspector Mazlan then started writing a list of the items and when he was finished he asked me to sign several documents. I was neither given a copy of these documents nor was I allowed to read them. I have no idea of what was recorded on these documents and whether the list prepared of the items taken from my house was in fact a complete list.

15. All throughout this process I was left handcuffed and standing.

16. When they had finished, one of the officers seated at that table turned to me and told me, once again, that I had been arrested under the Internal Security Act but he gave no details of the offence or any reasons for my arrest. He just told me that I was a threat to Malaysia. I could not understand this at all as I have never in all my years in Malaysia involved myself in anything that could be described as a threat to the country. He then wanted my personal particulars and started taking them down. This officer never at any time identified himself. He wrote down all that I gave him on some paper and asked me to sign. When I asked to read what had been written, he just snapped at me to sign and not to interfere in his work. I signed.

17. All this while my palpitations were causing my breathing to be very laboured. I complained once again that I needed medical assistance. This request was ignored, again, but I was given a glass of water and a cigarette to smoke. I felt strangely lightheaded after the cigarette.

18. I was kept in that room all the while.

19. A little later another police officer brought in a typed document which he said was the official police report. It was in Bahasa Malaysia and again I was told curtly to sign it. I did so. I was not allowed to read it and it was also neither read nor translated to me.

20. All the things taken from my house were then placed back in the cardboard box. When they were done, Inspector Mazlan came over to me and said that I was now being handed to some others. He did not identify them but added that I would be in safe hands and that I must cooperate with them. He then left the room.

21. After Mazlan left, two of the men who were there in that room came over and held me in a tight grip so much so that I could not even struggle. A third man came over and blindfolded me. I was then led out of the room and guided and dragged into some sort of a vehicle. The entire exercise of getting me into the vehicle took some time. My vision was completely blacked out by the blindfold.

It was necessary to climb up some steps to get into the vehicle and while the officers tried to guide me, I found my feet and legs suddenly heavy and weighed down. I found it difficult to walk and an effort to move. I was finally placed in a cage-like metal contraption in that vehicle. This contraption, which I examined with my hands, was triangular in shape and very small so much so that I could only crouch in it.

I was left alone for a while in that cage in the back of the vehicle. It was hot and airless in there. After sometime I heard the sound of an engine starting and then the vehicle moved off.

22. I think the vehicle traveled for about 30 to 40 minutes.

At the end of the journey, when it stopped I heard sounds of metal doors being opened and footsteps coming into the vehicle. I was pulled out of the cage and then out of the vehicle.

23. I had no idea where I was.

24. Still blindfolded and handcuffed I was led/dragged away by two men. I heard other footsteps around me at this time but no one spoke to me or amongst themselves. I recollect I was taken through several doors because I heard them being opened and shut. They finally stopped and someone removed my blindfold and handcuffs.

25. I found I was a small room. There were four men in that room. They were all in plainclothes and they immediately adopted a very aggressive confrontational stance against me.

They were exceptionally rude and coarse in the language they used. They asked me to strip naked. I tried to resist but had no option but to accede to their request.

26. My clothes, slippers, watch and glasses were taken away.

27. One of them then took then took my fingerprints. It was a long session as he took multiple impressions on some 10 or so forms or other documents.

28. I was then weighed.

29. All the while these things were being done the four men kept making disparaging remarks in a dismissive humiliating style. I was pushed against a wall and my height was taken.

30. I was then given a dark blue loose pajama type of pants and a T-shirt, and told to get dressed. I did so. I was again blindfolded and handcuffed and then taken through a series of doors and probably up a flight of stairs.

31. I was finally pushed through a door and when my blindfold was removed and my eyes adjusted to the light, I saw that I was in a cell of approximately 8 feet square. There were two wooden platforms placed against the cell walls, one on each side. There was no other furniture of any sort. The cell had no window and ventilation was through two tiny ratholes at the bottom of one wall. There was no bedding or blankets.

There was a small thin towel on one platform and beside it was a plastic bowl. The room was brightly lit by an overhead light that was never switched off throughout my stay there.

The glare of the light could not be avoided from any position in that small cell. There was an old vent on one wall that made a continuous horrendous grating sound. This vent did not seem to be moving any air about and was also never switched off. No sound from outside came through the door. The cell was literally soundproof though at times I thought I heard the sound of coughing and heavy breathing as I was led out of the cell to various other places.

32. Before my captors left the cell I was told, again rudely and in a dismissive style, that I had henceforth no name or identity, that I was number 26 and that I was only to answer to that number each and every time it was called.

33. About 10 to 15 minutes later the door of the cell was slammed open and a man walked in and shouted out `26'. I was slow to respond and was severely reprimanded for that. I was again blindfolded and handcuffed, led out of the cell and moved about 10 paces or so. When my blindfold was removed I saw I was in another room. There was a man with a camera there. My handcuffs were removed and about 20 to 30 photographs were taken of me from various angles. I was then again blindfolded and handcuffed and returned to my cell.

34. Whenever I was in the cell a small viewing hatch on the door was opened every few minutes to check on me.

35. About 10 to 15 minutes later - I can only guess as to the time - the same guard again entered the cell calling me by my number `26'. I was once again blindfolded and handcuffed and made to walk about 10 paces or so. When the blindfold and handcuffs were removed I saw I was once again in a room. This time there was a chair in the middle of the room. The chair had arms but no back. I was forced to sit in it and, against my will, shaved bald. I was then given a dustpan and a small broom and asked to sweep up my hair. When I resisted, I was made to do so by my captors.

36. When I had finished sweeping up my hair I was once again blindfolded and handcuffed and returned to my cell.

37. Within a space of a few minutes - I had hardly time to sit on one of the wooden platforms - there was a loud knock on the door and it was violently swung open. This ritual of a loud knock and the door being violently opened was followed each time I was taken out of my cell.

38. This time the guard walked in, looked at me seated on the platform and shouted that I was rude at not having wished him. I was warned that I was to get up and greet whoever entered the cell. Once again I was warned that if my number was called I was to respond immediately.

39. I was now directed to take a bath. I was not asked if I would like to take one. I was directed to do so. I was given a small thin towel and a little piece of soap. I was not blindfolded or handcuffed but was told to keep my head down and not to look up. I was led out of my cell and one of the guards walked beside me forcibly keeping my head bent down. I walked down a long narrow corridor.

There was just enough light in the corridor to walk by. On one side of the corridor I saw about five similar doors like those on my cell. At the end of the corridor there was a bathroom. I was asked by the guard to switch on the light in the bathroom. When I did so I noticed a sink and a squat toilet that had no door. There were protrusions on the wall from which presumably water was to come.

40. As I got ready to take a bath the guard yelled at me to get on and to hurry up. The water was very cold. I started my bath but when I was halfway through it and while still having soap on my body he stopped me and then got me to dress and to get out of the bathroom. I forgot to switch off the light and the guard became angry and screamed at me that he wasn't there to serve me. I was rushed back to my cell with my clothes still damp. All the way back, my head was once again kept forcibly down so that I couldn't look up.

41. The one vivid memory I have of that dark corridor is that of a single waste basket outside one of the many doors - the only sign that I saw during my stay there that perhaps I was not the only occupant in this hell.

42. A short while later the door opening ritual was repeated.

I stood up to meet the guard. He walked in, handed me a small packet, said nothing and left. When I opened it I saw that it had a little rice and a small piece of fish in it. I couldn't eat the fish. I tried it and it had a peculiar rancid taste as if it was off. I ate some of the rice. I had hardly done that when the door opened again. I stood up and the packet was removed.

43. By my estimate the time would now have been about 8 to 9pm on the night of my arrest. I thought that I would now be left alone. I was tired, dazed and disoriented, still having very heavy palpitations and laboured breathing and intensely worried about my family. The heavy feeling in my legs and lightheadedness had returned after the rice meal and I felt very lethargic.

44. Once again there was the now familiar bang on the door and my number ‘26' was shouted out. I stood up. The door opened and this time two guards walked in. I greeted them.

They did not speak. They first handcuffed and then blindfolded me but this time the blindfold was different. It consisted of black glasses that wrapped around my eyes and blinker-like sides that completely cut out all light. I could see nothing.

45. They led me out of my cell. They held me for a short distance and from then on gave directions and allowed me to grope my way. They were always by my side or a step behind.

They always asked me to open doors. We went up a flight of stairs - there were 50 steps over five landings. At each stage one of the guards would position my cuffed hands on the railing and ask me to follow it up. I was told to count to 10 steps and then turn to my left. I think I walked up five floors.

46. After the 50th step, I was asked to stop. One of the two swung me around and punched me in the stomach and said that he was ‘Mr Nice Guy' and that I was ‘Dr Feel Good'. I was then turned around again and pushed against a door and asked to open it. I did so, and when told, went inside. One of the guards came from behind and adjusted my blindfold partially.

I could see where I was from the corner of my eyes and partially from below the blindfold.

47. I was taken through a series of doors and then through something that had the appearance of a long dark corridor. I saw a red light at the end, somewhat like red light that one sees in a photographer's darkroom. On the left there were some doors. I had the distinct impression that there was an abyss on my right side and that if I took one step wrong I would fall into it. I was told to turn to my left. I did so.

My handcuffs were now taken off. A moment later, one of the guards took my blindfold off. I saw I was facing an open room. It was brightly lit. I was dazed, fazed out, blinded by the intense light and for the first few minutes after the blindfold was removed, could make no sense of things.

48. When I was finally able to focus I saw four stonefaced expressionless men seated on chairs behind a table. The two men on either side looked Chinese, the one in the middle left Indian and the one other Malay. My guards left me standing in front of the table. There was silence in the room.

49. Suddenly the Malay man thumped the table and shouted at me in Bahasa Malaysia. I did not understand him and apologised in English for not being fluent in Bahasa. The Malay man then switched to a mixture of Malay and English and abused me for not speaking the language. He repeatedly kept saying ‘fuck', ‘fucking' as he abused me. The other three joined in as well. This went on for something like 20 to 30 minutes. I tried explaining that I could write and read Jawi but that as most of my work was in English and that all my friends spoke English, there was never any great need to become fluent in Bahasa.

After about 30 minutes or so, the four of them stopped and the Malay officer suddenly slammed the table again and shouted at me in English that I had no manners, that I had entered a place where there were four seated officers and I had not greeted them. I was startled by his actions. I apologised to him, said I was sorry, that I had lost all track of time and place, that I did not know what to say to them. The Malay man stared at me and then said in Urdu "thum bahat jau" - you sit down.

50. From then on, my interrogators abused and assailed me mainly in English.

51. There was a small double conical plastic stool in front of the table. It had no back or arms. I sat on it and found that it was unstable and rocked and swiveled at even the slightest move. I was unsteady on that stool and one of the two Chinese men shouted at me to sit properly. I tried to explain but before I could even do so he shouted, "Learn some manners, otherwise things are going to be difficult for you". I apologised to him and said, "Sorry, sir, the stool is unsteady."

52. There was then suddenly a barrage of questions directed at me. One interrogator would ask a question, I would be in the middle of my answer when another would cut in with a second question. I would turn to the second officer and the third would attack me with a different question. I would turn to the third and the first would yell at me demanding his answer. As I tried to recollect my thoughts between the first, second and third questions, the fourth officer would cut in with yet another question.

The questions were never related, there was no link between them though they were all directed at my personal particulars, about my work, something about everything but nothing indicative of any subversive or criminal activities. This style of questioning was consistently followed throughout my interrogation there though at times some of the interrogators would leave the room leaving behind two and, at times, one interrogator. I can only guess they went to rest but they never let me rest.

53. While this was going on, I heard the door behind me being violently kicked open. I turned and saw a man walk in. The four behind the table stood up. The man who walked in was carrying a thick heavy file. He walked up to me and hit the back of my head with the file and then shouted at me that they knew everything and that there was no need for me to misguide them or to hide. He said that they knew everything I did with Anwar.

When I tried to protest that I did nothing except help write speeches, this officer menacingly said "I am giving you 24 hours. Within that period come up with what we want or we will be very very nasty with you." He went on to say that his superiors wanted the information from me within 24 hours, that by tomorrow they must complete the matter. He then hit the back of my head again with his file, thumped the floor with his shoes, shouted ‘Hidup Malaysia', turned and left. The door was heavily slammed shut behind him.

54. When this officer left the room, the Indian-looking man at the table pointed at me and warned me that the officer who had just left was the top-notch officer and added “You know what he wants. He wants facts, information. We want facts." I again protested that I had done nothing irregular but they were not interested in my protestations and continued haranguing me.

They alternated in questioning me about my personal particulars, about my family, my work, regularly interspersing the barrage of questions with warnings that my arrest was under the Internal Security Act because I was a threat to the national security of Malaysia, that under the Internal Security Act I would never be bailed out and that no lawyer could ever see me.

55. They would then switch to telling me that the Internal Security Act was not punitive but preventive, that they had invoked it in order to prevent perceived threats to the national security of the country, that I should not feel ashamed of my presence there before them, that they had arrested members of parliament, chief ministers and other high profile figures. They described to me an attempt by a person known as Kitingan, who tried to secede from Malaysia.

56. In between all the verbal abuse, threats and advice, the Malay officer tried to impress me with his knowledge of Urdu by the use of the odd word or two or by singing a snatch of some Hindi song.

57. I kept telling them, whenever they would let me, that I had made no attempt to attack Malaysia, that I had done nothing illegal or criminal and could not understand my presence before them and for their treating me in such a humiliating and degrading manner. They never answered me on that but would always turn things around and tell me that I was at a transit station and that my presence there was a favour to me and my family.

One or other of the four would always warn me that if I did not cooperate, I would be sent to a detention center for two years and that the detention would be further extended in two-year multiples. I was repeatedly told that I would never see my family again and that I should consider this opportunity a blessing since everyone was giving me a chance.

58. I couldn't understand what they wanted and what was this chance they were giving me. I would tell them this. They would then emphasise, in turn, repeatedly, about how senior people had been arrested for their own rehabilitation. They warned me that my perception of no wrong was mine and not necessarily correct, that in someone else's or his (the officer's) mind I had done wrong. They warned me that the Internal Security Act was to retrain minds towards goodness, to offer me a chance to realise my mistakes and an opportunity to repent.

They would repeatedly emphasise that I could not lie as they knew everything and that my perception of events and ideas was totally wrong. They said that they would correct me and I must accept their perceptions. They warned me that they wanted me to cooperate and that if I did so the interview would finish quickly and I would be free but that if I didn't, I would go to the detention centre and it would be the end of my and my family's life.

59. These warnings were repeatedly given to me every time I was tired from the questions that were being continuously hurled at me. There was no let up in the interrogation or the threats or the warnings despite their being aware of my medical condition and my state of exhaustion.

60. I had had just one small meal since my arrest early on the morning of the Sept 14, 1998. I had had no rest or sleep and had lost all track of time. I was sick. My interrogators did not care at all about my condition. At some point of time, in the night or the early hours of the morning, shortly before they returned me to the cell, they began asking me whether I knew why I was there in their hands.

I said I did not know and they would then tell me that it had to do with Anwar. When I would tell them that I was his English speech writer, they would respond by saying that they knew. They would then ask me to think of my position and that I had to help them and the nation. They would tell me how.

61. I knew of nothing wrong in my status of being Anwar's speech writer and friend. They would then alternatively yell, shout or advise that my perceptions were wrong and that they would tell me how to help them and the nation.

62. They finally asked me to think of my status and that they would see me soon.

63. After hours of this rough and humiliating interrogation I was once again blindfolded and handcuffed and led back down the five flights of stairs to my cell. I was pushed in and my blindfold and handcuffs were removed.

64. I had been barely in my cell for a few minutes when the peephole opened and someone peered in and jeered at me. The person muttered abuse in Bahasa before slamming shut the peephole.

65. I did not know what time it was. I could only guess that it was well into the morning of Sept 15, 1998. I was exhausted. I tried to rest on the wooden platform but was unable to do so with the overhead bright light and the noise from the vent.

66. There was the loud knock on the door again and once more my number was called out and the door opened. I was already on my feet. I was asked to take my bath. Fazed out, dazed, exhausted I was led to the bathroom, my head held forcibly down. The water from the overhead pipe was cold. I had hardly started when I was told to stop and to get out. I did not even dry myself but hurriedly put on my pajama pants and the T-shirt. I forgot again to switch off the light and got yelled again because of that. I was led back to my cell, head down. My clothes were wet and uncomfortable and with the light on and the noise from the vent, I could not sleep.

67. A short while later there was a knock on the door. The number calling and door opening ritual was repeated. I was asked to put my plastic bowl outside the door. I did so and a guard poured plain tea in it. A slice of white bread was placed on a grill bar in the door and I was ordered to pick it up. I carried the bowl and bread into my cell. This was my breakfast.

68. A little later my number was called out again and a man walked into my cell. He asked if I remembered him. He said he was ‘Mr Nice Guy'. He said he was taking me to the hospital.

69. My chest pains, palpitations, breathlessness and numbness in my arm had continued from the morning of Sept 14 right through the night's interrogation.

70. I was once again blindfolded and handcuffed and led down one or two floors. I was then put in a vehicle of some sort.

I was unable to see out and both the blindfold and handcuffs were kept on throughout the entire journey. When the van stopped, someone came into the back of the vehicle and removed my blindfold and handcuffs. I saw that it was the officer calling himself ‘Mr Nice Guy' who had done that. He warned me that this was a special privilege being given to me and that I was to behave myself while with the doctor. He warned me that I was under their complete surveillance all the time.

71. I can only guess that the time now would have been somewhere after 8am.

72. When I was first brought out of the van, the sunlight bothered my eyes. I saw the emergency services signboard of the General Hospital, Kuala Lumpur. There were four police officers constantly circling me. I was taken to a see a lady doctor who wore a tag that, I think, read ‘Dr Shymala Devi'.

My number was given to the doctor. They also handed to her a file which they had with them. I was sent for an ECG and a urine test. I also had a chest x-ray done and then was brought back to the same doctor. She did a cursory physical examination and then prescribed five different medications which were handed to the police officers. I was returned to the van, placed inside it, once again blindfolded and handcuffed and taken back to my cell.

73. They left me alone for a short while after that and then brought a small packet of rice with a piece of fried fish which again had the same rancid taste and was inedible. I forced myself to eat some of it but felt sick and uncomfortable and lightheaded immediately after doing so.

74. After this ‘lunch', I was removed once again from my cell after being first blindfolded and handcuffed. I was taken up the 50 steps to the previous night's interrogation room. The same four officers were there. Their attitude, initially, was different. They started by talking about the hospital, how about they cared for me and how they were not taking any chances with me. One asked me to sit. The chair was unstable and I said that I would rather stand. I remained standing.

After a while I was given a different chair.

75. There was at first a preliminary exchange about the medication that I had been given at the hospital that morning. After that, one of the four started on the interrogation. He asked if I had thought about things and about how I could help them and the country. I responded by talking about the journal I had started and about how that had put Malaysia on the world map. They stopped me and warned me that I was on the wrong track. They asked me to concentrate on Anwar.

76. I still could not understand what they wanted from me on Anwar and I asked them. Finally one of them asked if I had read the affidavits that had been published in the papers about Anwar, I said yes but not in any great detail. One of them said that there were sexual allegations, particularly of a homosexual nature, against Anwar in those affidavits. I told them that so far as I knew Anwar was not involved in any such sexual activities and that in all the years I had known him he had always conducted himself with integrity.

I told them that it was easy to make such allegations. They said they would show me evidence. They asked me to think and concentrate on such homosexual activities. I asked if they were making allegations against me. They denied this and merely said they wanted me to think about these things. They said that their senior officer wanted results and once they had results, they would let me sleep and would not disturb me.

I told them that I had never had a homosexual relationship in my entire life. They said they knew that that was my perception of things but that my perception of things was wrong, that they had to retrain my mind to see what was right and wrong, that they would show me how. Once again they went into how the Internal Security Act was there to help to rehabilitate minds and people. They said they would show me how. They said they did not want to fail with me and have me sent off to the detention centre. They said that my family would be completely destroyed if that happened.

77. For the first time at this session they also introduced a threat involving the presence of US agents in Malaysia. They said that the US agents were here and were working with them and were already checking into my background with a view to canceling my pending application for US citizenship and revoking my green card.

78. For hours the interrogation veered between my rehabilitation, the retraining of my mind, the position and well-being of my family, the possibility of my being put away in a detention centre, of losing everything I had, my wife, my children, my work, my freedom, of losing my pending US citizenship, of being ultimately deported from Malaysia. I was constantly reminded that I could help the nation, that Anwar was a threat, that the senior officers wanted results.

The style was always the same with all four of them throwing questions at me and not allowing me to marshal my thoughts and answer them.

79. As the interrogation progressed, one or more of the four officers would, without warning, break into loose vulgar language. One would make statements like ‘Anwar fucks, you fuck', and the rest would laugh. Another would then make a derogatory remark about the Punjabis being big fuckers and offer me a cigarette.

80. I always felt lightheaded after I smoked one of their cigarettes.

81. The interrogation would then switch back to my work, my vulnerability being an alien in Malaysia, my family, and then, just as suddenly switch back to vulgarity and Anwar and homosexuality. They would make lewd remarks, asking me about the size of my penis using expressions like ‘dick', ‘cock'.

They would ask me for its length, its diameter, asking me whether I would like to put it in someone's ‘arse'. They asked how I would feel if I had someone's meat ‘shoved up my arse', whether I would like to put my ‘meat in someone's arse', that they could arrange ‘it' and everything else there, that when I went to the detention centre, I would have ‘it' done to me regularly.

82. This switching in the interrogation continued unabated right throughout the time I was with them. Except for the brief periods I was in the cell, the interrogation never let up. Sometime in the course of the second day one new interrogator joined the team but the interrogation was usually conducted by four of them at any one time. Gradually they began to introduce Anwar's name more into the abuse and began to make him play a more active part in their lewd descriptions of homosexual and non-homosexual sex.

They began to make suggestions that Anwar enjoyed homosexual sex. They asked me to think about homosexual sex, about ‘fucking' Anwar, about Anwar ‘fucking' me. They asked me to groan as if I was being ‘fucked' and enjoying it. In that situation, in their hands, I had little choice but to groan and moan as my captors wanted me to. I acted as they wanted me to. They were bullies and I was in their hands.

They asked me if I sucked cocks and then asked me to pretend I was sucking a big lollipop. They asked me if I had seen Anwar's cock and then asked me to pretend I was sucking the cock of the ‘DPM', as one officer crudely put it. As I acted out the demeaning, humiliating parts they gave me, they laughed and asked if it was good.

83. By the end of the second day, the long hours of interrogation, the lack of sleep, and the lack of decent food had left me completely disoriented and exhausted. My health was deteriorating and I was extremely worried about my family.

84. I was only given my medication when my captors remembered to do so.

85. I remember the second day's interrogation ending with my interrogators' warning to me to think about all they had said and that they would be seeing me again shortly. They said that I could give a great gift to the nation and that the country would be forever grateful to me. Their parting words, in unison, were ‘Fuck Anwar'. I was then handcuffed and blindfolded and led back to my cell.

86. I had no idea of time.

87. My cell had no pillow or anything that even remotely resembled comfort. The wooden platform that was to be my bed was half my height. If I lay down straight half my body hung over the side. The only way I could lie on the platform was in the fetal position. The light and the sound from the vent made sleep impossible.

88. The walls of the cell were thick and appeared soundproof.

89. Each time I was made to walk the corridor outside my cell, the silence of the place had overwhelmed me. I heard no sounds other than an occasional cough and so sensed there were others in the cells adjoining mine.

90. Lying there curled up in that fetal position, I could only replay in my mind what my captors had repeatedly drummed into me: the sex acts they asked me to act out, the vulnerable position that I was in, that my wife and children were in. I thought repeatedly about the US agents I had been told were already here working with my captors and wondered what lies were being told to them.

In that silence, in that cell I was alone and very far from normalcy and truth and felt increasingly that no one could help me or my family. We had no money, no savings, nothing. I thought of being detained indefinitely, of losing my job, of my family being destitute and alone in a foreign country, of the influence of the Malaysian police on the US government to cancel my immigration green card and my pending US citizenship application. I thought of being penniless, of being deported with no visible means of support. I thought of all this and I thought of sleep and food and the love of my family and I cried.

91. I had done nothing wrong but I was deeply frightened. I felt hopelessly outnumbered and very vulnerable.

92. I dreaded the knock on the door and the calling of number ‘26'. But it inevitably came with my bathtime. I was slow again and again I was scolded as if I was a child. I was bundled down the corridor, with my head held down, into the bathroom. Once again I was hurried out of the bathroom, the bath incomplete and sent back to my cell.

93. A little later, I was given breakfast. It was the same weak tea in a plastic bowl and a slice of plain white bread that was placed on the grill bar for me to take as if I was a beggar.

94. Another knock, another call of number ‘26' and tired as I was I stood up, waiting for my captors. This time they came with the blindfolds and the handcuffs and I was once again, alternately led, guided and dragged by the cuffs up the 50 steps. At the top of the 50 steps, the blindfold was taken off and the guard made lewd gestures with his hands and fingers and then pushed me through the door.

I was not made to turn left as previously but dragged past a maze of doors along the corridor which was dark save for a red light, as in a darkroom, in the far distance. I kept fearing the impression of a black abyss that seemed to flank the corridor on my right and feared stepping off into some sort of void. I was taken through a final door and walked into a room which was as before brightly lit.

95. There was one man seated alone at a table. I had never seen him before. He asked me to sit. I did so and he then asked me for my personal history. I was too tired to resist or to ask why they were asking for the same information repeatedly. He wrote everything down. He questioned me on everything I had done, my childhood, my studies, my work, my family, everything. It was a long exhausting session.

Everything was ‘Why?'. Even as to the birth of my children it was ‘why? why were they born?', or the death of my father, ‘why? why did he die?' At times, this officer drove me to desperation and to despair. But he never stopped hammering away at me.

96. Sometime during this interrogation, the original four officers entered the room and joined this fifth officer. They then took over the interrogation while the fifth officer left the room. The four reverted to the trend of the first two days. They warned me and then threatened me and abused me in turn. They threw questions at me but did not wait for answers. Each cut into the other's line of questioning and kept interrupting my train of thought. I was warned that I had been sacked from my jobs, that the US investigators had completed their work and were about to return with their recommendation that my green card and citizenship be revoked, that I still had time to cooperate to save myself and my family, that they would tell me how I could help the nation and myself.

They kept on drumming into me that my perception of things was wrong, that I had forgotten, that I had to listen to them. The abuse centred around my penis, its length and size, human genitalia, vaginal and anal sex. They never stopped talking about sex, repeatedly stating that they had to fuck Anwar. They made me simulate anal sex by lying down on the floor. They instructed me to first ‘fuck' someone and then be ‘fucked' by someone. They asked me to groan and moan while I was doing it.

97. The fifth officer came back into the room and joined the original four. He took over the questioning but this time went on a new and different line. He said that he had been to Pakistan, said that sex there was repressed and regressed. He said that homosexuality was a way of life in Pakistan and suggested that I should share my sex life details with them.

98. It became apparent that this routine and the haranguing was going to go on forever. Truth and my denials were getting me nowhere. I was at the point of collapse and could not go on. I knew I had to play along with them.

99. The fifth officer took out a cigarette from a pack that was in his pocket and offered it to me. I was always given a cigarette from a black pack. The officers when they smoked always seemed to take cigarettes from other packs. The cigarette tasted unusual but good. Every time, I smoked one of their cigarettes I felt strangely lightheaded and `woozy'.

100. He suggested that it was natural in Pakistan. I looked at him. He stared at me and then pointed at my anus. I was dead tired. I nodded my head. He smiled and said ‘good'. It now became a sequence where they asked questions and I nodded in acquiescence and when they asked for details I made up whatever pleased them. Gradually they made up a story about a non-existent ‘Parvez' and some university liaison. They wanted me to be the active partner and insisted on that feature in the Parvez story. I denied this but they would have it no other way stating that it was the Pakistani way of life.

101. The original four interrogators then repeated the fictional Parvez ‘story' to me and made me repeat it to them, again and again, all the while reminding me that my perception of things had been wrong, that I had forgotten and that they were helping to rehabilitate me and to remind me, insisting that those in a homosexual relationship cannot give it up.

102. At one point in their haranguing and their suggestions that I was a homosexual, I asked if they knew biology and suggested a medical examination would confirm homosexuality.

They ignored this and for a long time made me talk about the male and female sex organs. They wanted graphics and made me draw these, over and over. They talked incessantly about anal sex, giving me extensive biological details about the size and shape of the penis in relation to the male anus.

103. They switched, as they pleased, between graphical and explicit sexual details and threats to me and my family's future, between the good of Malaysia and Anwar being a threat to the country, between prolonged detention for me and the promise of non-disturbed sleep, between being a destitute and penniless and a golden future in a new Malaysia rid of Anwar, between Pakistani society's repressed sexual urges and university sexual exploits in the US that they had read about in magazines.

104. They wanted details of university sexual activities in the US and when I had none to give, refused to take no for an answer. They claimed they knew all about what happened in universities in the US, that the girls did nothing but ‘screw' all day and all night long, that sex was cheap and easy and free there. They insisted, again and again, that I had a free sex life there.

They suggested, in turn, the number of times I had sex a day. One of them would suggest twice daily, then the next would increase to three, the third officer would suggest five times. They settled finally on 5 to 6 times a day and kept on repeating the numbers, asking me to tell them, to tell them, to agree, to agree until in desperation I nodded my head even though nothing like this had happened. And immediately the let-up in their intensity of questioning and the comment, "See we told you. It is there in you. Your perception of things is wrong. We are helping you." A cigarette from the black pack was always given to me a as reward whenever I gave in to them.

105. Then they would start again. Again the same style, the same repetitive questioning. This time they would ask for details of oral sex in US universities. They would describe it and then expect me to endorse things. They asked for names. I had none to give and they wouldn't accept that. They said I had to give them names. I gave them a fictional name ‘Joe', and once again there was an immediate but momentary let-up in intensity. And then they wanted more details about ‘Joe' and I had to make them up. When I did so they gave me a cigarette as a reward. The cigarettes always had an unusual taste.

106. A long time after ‘Joe' was created they stopped, and after blindfolding and handcuffing me they sent me back to the cell. Their parting words to me were that Anwar had brought me to Malaysia to ‘screw' him, that I should think about that, that they would see me soon. They shouted ‘fuck Anwar' and sent me off.

107. I had by now no idea of what day or date it was. I had no idea of the time. My last sight of sunshine or the sky had been when I was brought back from the Kuala Lumpur General Hospital. My passage of time was regulated by the knocks on my cell door, my hasty scurried baths, the scanty breakfasts I was given, the dreaded journey up the 50 steps and the interminable long hours in that room with my interrogators.

108. My division of days in this statement is by the number of `breakfasts' I was served.

109. There was no sleep huddled on that wooden platform in my cell.

110. The ritual hurried bath, accompanied by abuse and rough handling, and the tea and slice of dangled bread came soon after I was returned to the cell.

111. Then there was the same knock, the call of my number ‘26', the blindfold, the handcuffs and the long climb back to the interrogation chamber.

112. This time there was one Chinese interrogator in the room. He was alone and he started the interrogation before the others came by once again taking down my particulars and then questioning me on the journal that I had been editing.

113. Shortly after that a second interrogator came in and cut into the questioning by lecturing me on culture, ideology and religion. He said that he was educating me. When he was tired, the Chinese officer took over and went back to the journal. They switched between the journal, the lectures, my role to Malaysia, the needs of my family, my status, and the cancellation of my detention order.

114. The other two came in progressively and took their seats. There was an immediate warning when all four were there that I was wasting their time and that I had to get on with things, to move on, that their senior officer was waiting for results. They repeatedly warned me that my detention order under the Internal Security Act was ready.

115. They asked for dates and times of sexual encounters. I had none to give. They became angry and abusive and threatening. They went back to sex in the US and asked for more names.

116. I fabricated an ‘Andre'. There was again a momentary let-up in the interrogation, again a statement about my perceptions being wrong, that I had forgotten, that they were reminding me and correcting them, again a warning that if I concentrated the pattern would surface, that I had to have a tendency towards homosexuality. They nodded in agreement, smiled, gave me a cigarette, claimed to know about this fictitious ‘Andre' and said that they had been told about ‘Andre' by the US agents then in Kuala Lumpur.

117. ‘Andre' was someone created by me that morning in absolute desperation.

118. This went on for a long time.

119. Sometime during the interrogation they brought me a packet of the same rice and peculiar tasting fried fish that I had been given previously. All the rice meals they gave me tasted ‘off' and made me uncomfortable and ‘woozy'. I ate what little I could of it but the questioning continued even during that.

120. They then introduced the previous session's sexual scenario into the interrogation and started pressurising me for details. When I had none to give, they asked that I think about them while they waited for their senior officer to come back. In the meantime, they went into other details and descriptions of oral sex.

121. Then they reverted back to their pattern of interrogation but now began to concentrate more on Anwar. They reminded me again and again that Anwar was a homosexual, that I had ‘fucked' him, that they had proof of it. They opened a bag, took out some photographs and threw them on the table. These were normal regular photographs. Two were of me, one alone and one with a person known as Khalid Jaffar. There was another photograph of a person they said was ‘Mior'. I did not know this `Mior'.

122. I remember two of the interrogators leaving at one point and then returning and bringing with them some of my written work taken from my house. One of them made an immediate threat when he came in that I was playing tricks on them. He claimed that he had tried printing material from a disk taken from my house and was unable to do so because I had hidden the material. I denied this, telling him that he had been probably unable to read the file. He warned that the detention order was still pending.

123. Suddenly one of the four screamed at me to stand up. I did so. All four came from behind the table and surrounded me in a very aggressive manner as if they were about to assault me. One of them literally had his face in mine. They all screamed at me, in my ears, loudly, again and again and again, that I had fucked Anwar, fucked Anwar, fucked, fucked, Anwar, Anwar. They screamed and screamed and screamed, in my ears, at my face, at me, again and again, over and over asking me to say ‘yes' until I gave in and broke down saying yes, yes. They stopped screaming. That was what they wanted to hear. They were not interested that it was untrue.

124. They gave me a cigarette and allowed me to smoke it.

125. The interrogation continued.

126. There were frequent interruptions between the interrogators. They kept switching topics.

127. Whenever it suited them I was made to lie on the floor and simulate anal sex with Anwar. I was asked to alternate as if I was on top of Anwar and then Anwar on top of me.

128. All this was humiliating, and depressing and degrading.

It descended into vulgarity both in their actions and in their words. But they never stopped. They embarrassed me, ridiculed me, laughed at me, claimed I had a prized arse, reminded me that not many people in the world had the privilege of `screwing' and being `screwed' by a Deputy Prime Minister.

129. These were all lies but I had to suffer them, listen to them.

130. They repeatedly drilled into my mind that my perceptions were wrong, that they were educating me, rehabilitating me, showing me how I was helping Malaysia and my family, that my only way out from there was to give them what the nation needed.

131. They came back to the issue of sex and placed the photograph of `Mior' on the table. They asked for details of the man. I told them that I did not know him. They said I had `screwed' Mior. I denied that.

132. They went back to Anwar and anal sex and my perceptions.

Step by step, by alternately shouting and screaming and questioning, by cajoling and threatening, by warnings about detention and my family, they made repeat after them again and again, that I had engaged in sexual misconduct with Anwar on several occasions. They made me say that I was sorry about it all, that I was ashamed and repented that all this had happened. At stages they would stop to ensure that the information had been drilled into me and would then continue.

They made me say that I was forced into it because I feared for my job and that if I refused Anwar's advances, my employment would be in jeopardy, that I would lose important financial resources. They made me say that it hurt me a lot that this kind of behaviour was coming from a person who claimed to be a pious Muslim and that he had betrayed a lot of Muslims in this country and the whole Muslim world who had looked up to him as an inspiring leader. They made me say that every time I engaged in this act it was a disgusting experience for me. These were all lies made up by the ISA officers.

133. They wanted to fix details and asked me to choose a month. I could not because there had never been any homosexual relationship between me and Anwar. There was nothing for me to choose. They said they would help and then started going through my work in Malaysia. They went through the details; that I first met Anwar in 1984; that I first came to Malaysia in 1986; that I only visited in 1986, 1987 and 1988; that I first began living in Malaysia in 1988.

My interrogators were struggling to fix a time. My interrogators settled on March 1993 because in their interrogations they determined that after 1993 my speech-writing activities for Anwar were reduced considerably. This was because Anwar became the deputy prime minister and finance minister and his emphasis was more on finance and I could not help. Sometimes when an intellectual speech was to be made, a draft would be faxed to me and I would edit it.

134. They knew from their interrogation of me that in 1993, I lived at Bukit Damansara with my wife and children.

135. So they picked the month - it would be March 1993. I traveled a lot at that time and hoped, to myself, that I had been abroad in March 1993 - I could have been in New Delhi or Casablanca or in Qatar for a conference or back to my home in the US. I did not tell them this.

136. They determined for the purposes of their fabricated version that Anwar would call me over for a chat, that this would be about a week or 10 days after he became DPM, that I would go over, that this would be my last informal contact with him.

137. Then there would be the demand that I endlessly repeat the details they had settled on until they were drilled into me.

138. And so it went on and on until they had made up the whole story. There was no rest for me, no let up in the intensity of their interrogation.

139. When they were finally satisfied with my repetition of the details they switched back to telling me that the higher authorities had been contacted about me, that they were happy with my cooperation and performance. They offered me a cigarette and then left me alone in the room for a short while.

140. A little later another officer walked in. This was the person who eventually took me to see a magistrate for a statement to be recorded from me. He was very stern when he walked in. He shouted at me to stand up. I did so. He came and stood in front of me. He said that they were canceling my identity card, that steps had been taken to send me to the detention centre and then eventually to deport me.

He declared that my US citizenship was in serious jeopardy and that the US agents in Malaysia looking into things had decided to revoke it. My family had been told to pack up. He warned me that I had nothing left unless I agreed to serve the country, that I had only one option and that was to cooperate with them. He then started on a very emotional speech about loving Malaysia, about sacrifices, about fighting for and giving one's life in defence of Malaysia, about defending Malaysia, about going to jail for Malaysia.

He screamed at me whether I was prepared to do all that. He screamed ‘answer, answer, answer.' I was stunned and all I could say was ‘yes, yes, yes'. He thumped his shoes on the floor, raised his arm in the air and shouted ‘Hidup Malaysia' and then turned and walked out.

141. I stood rooted to the floor and was still standing when the four interrogators walked back in. They asked me to sit and told me I had done a good job. They offered me a cigarette and told me that it was only four to five months and that I shouldn't worry. This was the first time there had been any mention of these four to five months and I asked them what they meant. They said that was the sentence I would get. I protested but they said I was not to worry. They offered me another cigarette and laughed, and said I had a great ‘cock'.

142. The earlier officer walked back in again. He asked me to stand again and told me that he had spoken to his seniors and everything had to be done that day, that night. He was waiting for his senior officers to arrive. He left the room in the same way, a thump with his feet on the floor, a raised arm and a screamed ‘Hidup Malaysia'.

143. A little later he returned and spoke privately to the four interrogators. Two of the four then left the room. At this point, four new officers walked in. I had never seen them before. All those in the room saluted the four newcomers.

Three of the newcomers went and sat in the chairs that had been originally occupied by the four interrogators. One of the four stood near the door. The ‘Hidup Malaysia' officer also remained standing. The remaining two original interrogators now left the room, shutting the door behind them. The others addressed the man who sat in the middle as ‘Dato'.

144. This ‘Dato' spoke first in a cold tone. He started by telling me that they were after Anwar and that they wanted him. He said that Anwar had done great damage to the nation and that I could help them a lot by agreeing to admit to a homosexual liaison with Anwar. He added that this would be a service to the nation and would be a sacrifice for which I would be handsomely rewarded, that all my problems would be resolved, that I would be given Malaysian citizenship, that I would be given very well paid jobs, and more importantly that I would be a free man and that my family would remain intact.

He assured me that they would liaise with the US agents to resolve my US citizenship status satisfactorily. He said that his officers had told him I had agreed to die for the nation but that he had no desire to punish me since I was a victim of Anwar's lust and after all what was four to five months when compared to death. He concluded by telling me that by helping them to get Anwar, I was helping to rid the nation of a traitor and that they were after Anwar and not me.

145. The man on the Dato's left then took over. He said that they would arrange for me to be taken to make a statement of a sexual liaison with Anwar and that things would be all right after that. He said that they would make all these arrangements subtly, that their officer would brief me further on the language but that they could not come into the picture as otherwise Anwar and his men would accuse the police. He made no mention of court proceedings, of a sentence or of a jail though he kept assuring me to believe in them and to trust that they would look after all of my and my family's needs. They consoled me that my wife could call on them for help at any time and that my safety and that of my family was their main concern.

146. I was numb from fear and worry.

147. When he was finished the three seated officers stood up.

The junior officers saluted, everyone of them shouted ‘Hidup Malaysia' and they all left.

148. This must have been very late into the night. I was left alone for a few minutes. Then all the four interrogators walked in. One came over and slapped me on my back and said that I had done a good job and that they could now ‘fuck' Anwar Ibrahim.

149. One of the four interrogators left the room. A little later he returned with their ‘senior' officer. The senior officer told me that he was happy with me and that my NRIC (identity card) would not be canceled. He added that he would discuss the details of the matter with his seniors and would come back to me but that in the meantime I should think about things and should rest.

150. I was then blindfolded and handcuffed and taken down the 50 steps and returned to my cell.

151. Once again, I was asked to take an early hurried bath and then given my tea and slice of bread. But unlike the previous days, I was not after that immediately taken to the interrogation room. Instead I was left in my cell.

152. Some time later, one of the guards came into the cell and told me that they were taking me out. I did not understand what he meant. He handed me the clothes and slippers that I had been wearing when I was arrested and asked me to get dressed.

153. I was then once again handcuffed and blindfolded and led out of the cell. I think I was taken one or two floors down and then put into a vehicle. I recollect the vehicle being driven for a long time. It then stopped and I heard a door being opened and a short while later my blindfold was removed. I noticed I was in a van with oversized blacked-out windows. They immediately replaced the blindfold with a pair of glasses which were "fuzzy" and did not allow me to focus.

154. They then transferred me to the back seat of a Proton car. I was wedged between two officers. The car moved off and after a short drive someone suddenly removed the fuzzy glasses . I noticed that we were in the vicinity of the Sultan Abdul Samad Building. One of the officers beside me put a jacket over my handcuffs, presumably to hide them. I noticed that the car was being driven erratically. One of the officers pushed me down on the seat so that I could not be seen.

155. When the car stopped, I found that I was at Bukit Aman. I was asked to get out of the car and one of the officers removed my handcuffs. I then saw one of the senior officers who had interrogated me walking towards the car. He spoke to two of the officers who had been in the Proton car. The three of them took me to a cafeteria where they ordered some food.

This was the first meal I had had since my arrest.

156. While we were at the cafeteria, Inspector Mazlan who had arrested me came to the table and told me that that he was now handing me over to another officer. There was an Indian officer with him at that time. This Indian officer was later identified to me when I was warded in the Cardiac Rehabilitation Ward of the Kuala Lumpur General Hospital as `’Rajakopal'. I am now told by my lawyers that Rajakopal is the named complainant on the charge sheet filed against me in the Kuala Lumpur Sessions Court. I had never met or seen this Rajakopal before that day. This Rajakopal only stayed there a short while.

157. Throughout the period, I was at that cafeteria the three interrogators stayed with me.

158. After Rajakopal left, the senior officer once again started telling me that my family would be proud of me and that they were safe. He reminded me that I was doing them and the nation a great service for which I would be remembered.

He then said it was time to take me for the statement to be recorded from me the way I had been briefed the night before and then added as an obvious warning that all my Internal Security Act detention problems would be resolved after I had given the statement.

159. They again put me in the car and hid me by making me bend forward. When the car finally stopped and I was taken out, I noticed that I was in the court complex.

160. At the court while we were walking, I was constantly being reminded of what I had to say in my statement to the magistrate.

161. We sat down in one of the rooms for a while. I think they were having trouble because photographers were following them. They wanted to avoid the exposure. We went to an office on 2nd or 3rd floor. They had hustled me through a maze of corridors. I could not keep track of where we were going. I was then brought down and made to walk to a room where I was told a magistrate was waiting.

162. ASP Mazlan had accompanied me to the Magistrate's Court.

A senior ISA officer was also there. ASP Mazlan went into the magistrate's room and took me in. The ISA officer waited outside.

163. The magistrate talked to me in Malay. I said that I needed an interpreter. An interpreter, I think he was called Affendi, was brought in. At that point, the magistrate told ASP Mazlan and the other police officers who had accompanied him to leave the room. That left only me, the magistrate and Affendi in that room.

164. The magistrate wrote some particulars on some ruled paper. She had some sort of guide-sheet on her left to which she kept referring. She wrote a paragraph or so; her name, etc. ... am here with ... my name ... She wrote and read it back to me.

165. She asked me whether I agreed; whether I wanted to change anything or add anything, etc.

166. I said, "no".

167. She wrote my name, her name, my I/C., her I/C no, etc.

168. Then she signed and asked me to sign.

169. At some point she asked if I was there of my own free will and made a remark about my being alone in her room. I didn't know whether to laugh or cry because she was completely missing the point that I had been brought there by my captors and interrogators, that they were waiting outside her room and that when I was finished, I was going to be handed back to them and taken back to my small cell.

My life and my freedom and that of my family was in the hands of the police. They would surely know everything that was done or said in that room and they had in fact told me that they would get a copy of what had been recorded there, so what free will could I exercise.

170. The irony of her writing that I was making a statement of my own free will and reading back that statement to me and then asking me to sign it hit me very hard. She read back that statement to me. She signed. She asked me to sign. She repeated that only the three of us were present in that room.

We signed again.

171. She then asked me to give my statement.

172. I narrated all that I had been asked to state by my captors.

173. After she recorded my statement, I signed as she requested. When she was finished she called back ASP Mazlan.

The other Internal Security Act officers were waiting outside. After I had been handed back to ASP Mazlan and the Internal Security Act officers, I was handcuffed, placed in a car and taken to Bukit Aman. There I was made to sit in a room in the tower block. I think this was on the 10th floor in ASP Mazlan's office.

174. While there, I was once again fingerprinted and photographed.

175. A little later, ASP Mazlan came to me and commented on the statement I had given to the magistrate. He said that it was weak and that it had no dates or time in it or places or details. I told him that my interrogators the previous night, in particular the senior officer, had briefed me on what to say in the statement. In fact, that senior officer had reminded me once again that afternoon of what was at stake in my life if I did not stick to what was expected of me.

176. ASP Mazlan then asked me whether I had a lawyer. I said I did not. He said to me that I was not to worry and that he had one for me. ASP Mazlan never at this point of time, or before or after that, tell me that my wife had already engaged a lawyer for me and that that lawyer had already been in contact with police headquarters right from the first day of my arrest.

177. He then made a telephone call and spoke to someone. I did not know who he was talking to. He mentioned a name to me - Yacob Karim - and after telling me that he was to be my lawyer handed the phone to me. This Yacob Karim reminded me that we had met at a conference in Sarawak. This was once some six years ago. I had never met this Yacob Karim after that and did not know where his office was or his telephone numbers.

I was nevertheless relieved that here at last was someone I had met, even if once six years ago, and that perhaps I would get some assistance from him. Yacob Karim said that he would see me soon. I thought I was speaking to Yacob Karim while he was in his office.

178. About five to 10 minutes later, ASP Mazlan said to me that he was taking me to this lawyer, Yacob Karim. We left his office and ASP Mazlan took along a copy of the statement recorded by the magistrate.

179. I was mentally prepared to being driven out of Bukit Aman to some office somewhere. Instead the elevator stopped at either the 3rd or 5th floor. I thought that ASP Mazlan was stopping there to pick something else up. He asked me to get out and follow him. We entered a room in which I saw a table and two chairs. I was asked to sit. Hardly had I done so when this Yacob Karim walked in through another door.

180. All I can say is that it was a pre-arranged thing and that when ASP Mazlan spoke to Yacob Karim a little earlier, this Yacob Karim was already there in the police headquarters.

181. Yacob Karim sat at the table across from me. His first statement to me was that he was sorry that it, the sodomy, had happened to me. I was shocked at this as it showed that he had been briefed by the police and even more shocked that he believed it. He had a copy of the statement with him.

182. ASP Mazlan and another unidentified police officer were present throughout the time I was with Yacob Karim.

183. Yacob Karim then proceeded to tell me that arrangements were being made and that I would be taken to a Sessions Court the next day and that I would have to plead guilty to a charge and to admit to the offence. I asked him why I was being asked to plead guilty and he replied that otherwise they could not proceed with the case against Anwar.

He said arrangements had been made to get me a light sentence. To every question that I asked him after that he gave me a stock answer - "Don't ask me. Ask the police."

184. He then proceeded to ask some brief questions about my background, made some handwritten notes and added that he had got my background from the police. He kept assuring me throughout that the sentence would be lenient and that it would be a few months. I tried telling him that I had done no wrong but he in reply told me that I should not worry and that I was doing a great service to the nation, that the nation of Malaysia would remember me for these services.

185. Yacob Karim left after that.

186. Yacob Karim never at any time spoke about fees or being retained by me or about informing my wife about my situation.

I am now not surprised at the way he attended to me that afternoon since his conduct then and subsequently clearly showed that he was working together with the police in denying me my rights.

187. After Yacob Karim left, three of my previous interrogators came into the room. One of them was the Malay officer who had persistently interrogated me since my move to the interrogation centre. They reminded me of the arrangements made for the next day and warned me of the consequences if things went wrong. I was reminded that my family was vulnerable and that my sacrifice was small for their and my well-being. I was told that the US agents were waiting for the next day's proceedings and would leave after that and that my US citizenship was secure. I was told that the nation was proud of me, that it was only a small favour for Malaysia.

188. I was cautioned to be strong the next day and to plead guilty as the lawyer had told me to do. I was told that I had to believe the senior ISA officers and that all their promises would be fulfilled. They told me that I had to understand their difficulties because Anwar's people were now my enemies and that they would try to burn my house down and to hurt me and my family.

They said that I had to be away for five to six months so that things would quieten down but that after I come out of prison there would be a job waiting for me. During these five to six months, they said, my family would be looked after and that they had already talked to my wife. My wife now tells me that no one from the police headquarters called her or gave her any information about my whereabouts.

189. After all these warnings, I was locked up in a cell at Bukit Aman and left for the night.

190. By next morning, I was a wreck of a man with worry. I was asked to dress in the same clothes that I had worn when arrested. I had slippers on my feet and was given a skull cap to wear to hide my bald head.

191. I was taken to the court complex by ASP Mazlan and several other police officers. They adopted various cloak and dagger tactics to initially keep me hidden and away from the hordes of photographers there. I was finally taken into a court. I was shivering and my palpitations were very strong.

My breathing was laboured and I had difficulty controlling my bladder. I remember at some stage somebody giving me something to wear to stop the shivering but it did not help.

I remember at some point in the middle of the court proceedings being no more able to control my bladder and having to be allowed to go and urinate.

192. I was then taken into a court by ASP Mazlan and many other police officers. Yacob Karim was in that court. I saw ASP Mazlan and the other police officers spread themselves around the court. Yacob Karim came to me and handed me two documents. He said it was the charge which I had to admit. I saw the documents for the first time that morning. Even in my condition I was shocked at the details.

Yacob Karim told me not to question anything, just to plead guilty and then, when asked, to acknowledge that I knew I could be punished for the offence. He then showed me another sheet which he said were the facts of the case. He said that when the facts were read to me I was to admit them and say nothing else. He told me that he would attend to the rest and that everything had been taken care of.

193. At one point before the judge came into the court, I saw a man come near me. He said that he was a lawyer and that my wife had appointed him to act for me. This man pointed at Yacob Karim and asked who he was. Yacob Karim came to where I was and stood there. This man spoke to me rather abruptly and asked who appointed Yacob. I pointed at ASP Mazlan. ASP Mazlan appeared angry and immediately gestured that I shouldn't involve him and pointed towards Yacob. I saw some of the other plainclothes police officers start to move.

I panicked, wondering what was about to happen and feared for my wife and children. Yacob who had been quiet suddenly found his voice and said he was my lawyer. I lost control of myself then, out of sheer fright. My head was full of the Internal Security Act, the threats made to me and my family, the presence of the police there in the court, the warnings that Anwar supporters would kill me and my family, the need to keep secret the details of the police as they had demanded. I felt that if I made a single move that displeased the police, my family would be hurt, that they would bring down their full force to bear down on my wife and my two young children.

I had already felt the force of their strength.

194. I screamed at this lawyer words to the effect that he had no right to communicate with my wife or to invade my privacy. I hoped with that outburst to appease my captors so that they would leave my family alone. I then spoke out loud for ASP Mazlan and the other police officers to hear that I had nothing to do with that lawyer coming there.

195. At some point when I was in that court, I saw my wife there. She appeared petrified, as if cast in stone. She seemed unable to move like an animal caught in the glare of the headlights of a moving car. She didn't even blink. She was totally helpless. So was I.

196. This was the first time I had ever been in a court. I haven't even had a parking violation in my 23 years of continuous living in the US.

197. The proceedings moved fast after that. I did what the police expected of me. I was trembling uncontrollably throughout the proceedings. Even a jacket which was placed over me did not stop me from shaking and shivering uncontrollably. No one seemed to care. The words, sounds, sights all floated around me as if I was in a daze. Yacob's mitigation was now in a written form. I was sentenced and then handcuffed. Yacob came to me and told me not to worry.

ASP Mazlan came to me and said I now had to face the cameras.

I was taken out and met by hordes of photographers. I was moved to a cell in the court complex. Before leaving me there, ASP Mazlan came once again to me and said that the inspector general of police was very happy with the way I had handled myself in court.

198. After the court proceedings, I was sent to Kajang prison and from there, on Sept 23, 1998, because of my deteriorating health, I was rushed to the Institute Jantong Negara (National Heart Institute) and then transferred to the Coronary Rehabilitation Ward (Ward 29) at the Kuala Lumpur General Hospital.

199. While I was at the CRW (Ward 29) in the General Hospital, I was visited at various times by police officers together with Yacob Karim. They were uninvited visitors who kept on trying to alternately threaten, convince and advise me against filing or proceeding with an appeal against the false conviction and sentence recorded against me on Sept 19, 1998 by the Kuala Lumpur Sessions Court. One of the officers who came to the CRW ward 29 was a chief inspector Rajakopal whose name is recorded as the complainant on the charge sheet filed in Sessions Court in my case.

200. The prison officers guarding me at the General Hospital are maintaining a log book of all my movements and visitors while in hospital. This has records of the various visits by Yacob Karim and the police officers coming together, sometimes beyond regular visiting hours or days.

201. I state categorically that I have never had a homosexual relationship with Anwar Ibrahim or with anyone else. I further state categorically that the details of the alleged homosexual relationship contained in my statement made to the magistrate and those given to the court by the prosecuting agencies and Yacob Karim on Sept 19, 1998 were untrue and were fabricated by the police.

202. I was interrogated over long and continuous sessions. I was always removed from my cell as No 26, always blindfolded and handcuffed. I was systematically humiliated by my captors who always remained unidentified. They stripped me of all self-respect; they degraded me and broke down my will and resistance; they threatened me and my family; they frightened me; they brainwashed me to the extent that I ended up in court on Sept 19, 1998 a shivering shell of a man willing to do anything to stop the destruction of my being.

203. I have done no wrong and I am innocent. I am a happily married man with two lovely children. I was just doing my work and enjoying it. My captors and my interrogators have destroyed all that. They have wrongly made me a criminal and taken away my freedom. They have destroyed my self confidence and embarrassed me. They have shattered the peace, harmony and happiness of my family and my simple home.

204. I have had a long standing worldwide reputation of being a respected intellectual individual. It took me years of hard work to achieve this status. The bibliography of my work annexed to this sworn declaration is testimony of my work. My captors for the purposes of their criminal objectives have unjustly destroyed my image.

205. I did no wrong and I am innocent. God knows that.

And I make this solemn declaration conscientiously believing the same to be true and by virtue of the provisions of the Statutory Declarations Act, 1960.

Subscribed and solemnly declared by the above-named Munawar Ahmad Anees at Kuala Lumpur, Wilayah Persekutuan, this 7th day of Nov, 1998.

Before me,

Manmohan Singh a/l Chanan Singh
(Commissioner for Oaths, Malaysia)

The 'father and son' relationship

ANWAR IBRAHIM’S TWO LETTERS TO MAHATHIR MOHAMMAD

Anwar Ibrahim, in two letters to Mahathir Mohammad dated 25 August 1998 and 28 August 1998, traced the conspiracy to bring him down to a poison letter circulated more than a year before that. The following are extracts from the letters.


The First Letter dated 25 August 1998

The Honourable Dato’ Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad,

I would like to enlighten you regarding the calumnious campaign against me as a person and a politician. Considering the method by which the slander was spread and the timing of its release, I cannot but conclude that it was politically motivated. Only the two of us can clarify the muddied waters and untangle the knots.

The conspiracy to bring me down through calumny began more than a year ago with a poison-pen letter circulated so widely that it reached even the small UMNO branches. Normally, I would ignore accusations contained in unsigned circulars, but this time they were too offensive to be left unchallenged. I therefore lodged a police report on Aug 15 last year. I hoped then that the smear campaign would stop.

Imagine my consternation when I learned, a few days before the UMNO general assembly that a person by the name of Khalid Jefri had written a book which in part repeated all the poison-pen lies and that the book would be distributed by the tens of thousands at the venue of the assembly. To prevent it, I had no choice but to get a court injunction.

Unlike the poison-pen letter, the book carries the names of an author and a publisher, as if daring anyone to challenge the truth of its contents. I had to go to court to make that challenge; otherwise some readers would suspect that there was truth in the book.

My confidential secretary, Mohammed Azmin Ali, made a police report over the distribution of the book, the contents of which are clearly criminally libelous, and I have appointed a lawyer to handle a civil defamation suit against the author and publisher. I have since won an interlocutory injunction, effective until the case is settled. The named suspects are the ones who should be subject to police investigation. According to the Information Act, the onus is on them to prove their accusations, to show admissible evidence in court — not rumour, hearsay or fabrications.

But a week after my report was lodged it became obvious that the police were instead looking into my personal affairs. It was as if I had become the suspect. Their current behaviour indicates some malice towards me. Instead of concentrating on the libelous book, they are now listening to stories churned out by the rumour mill, which is operated by politicians and millionaires who are intent on driving a wedge between the two of us and cutting me down.

I see a picture of contradictions emerging, one that is unsettling. I do not object to the raid on the house of Datuk Nalla [a close friend and occasional tennis partner of Anwar Ibrahim awaiting trial on a charge of unlawful possession of live ammunition] and his arrest on the justification that these would help the police in their investigation. But I have since received information that the idea was to extract a confession from him that would incriminate me in activities that are immoral and disgraceful.

I am certain that the author of the book would not have made up such wild and fantastic accusations if he were not sponsored by influential personalities willing to pay him huge sums of money. I have indicated above that there is a factory churning out these lies. And there is no lie more hurtful to me - and the others who are implicated - than the one that says I have fathered an illegitimate child.

It shocked me to hear the police suggest that I undergo a DNA test. Eventually, my lawyers agreed to the test but proposed that it would be sufficient to carry out the test on Azmin, his wife and the affected child to confirm that the child issued from them.

Praise be to God, it was thus confirmed. The Minister of Science, Technology and the Environment, Datuk Law Hieng Ding, himself telephoned me to give the good news. But now, telephone conversations from my home, which are recorded by the police, have become an issue. I am accused of being a foreign agent.

Many stories have been woven regarding the role of Datuk Nalla, indeed about all the friends I play tennis with and several of my officers. I play tennis once or twice a week at the Tropicana, Kiara or Bangsar. There are stories that have been concocted about activities besides tennis during my tennis hours, complete with the name of a woman, a car registration number and an apartment number at Tivolli Villa. They are all lies.

I play tennis openly, not in secret, beginning around 6.15 pm and stopping before the Maghrib prayers, although I would sometimes stop for Maghrib and continue with a game afterwards. Every time I play, there are policemen posted outside the tennis court. My tennis games are never played in secret and they are always under police watch.

I have also been accused of meeting a woman at the Flamingo Hotel, a place I have never set foot in. And I have been to the Tivolli Villa only twice — accompanied by Azizah [Anwar Ibrahim’s wife] – to visit my adopted sister, Sukma.

I have been told that I may be charged under the Official Secrets Act. What a baffling thought! To charge under this act a person who holds the second-most important position in government is nothing short of insulting. If it were true that government secrets had leaked, this would be the first time in history that the immediate suspect was the Deputy Prime Minister.

Please do not let the lies of the envious cause you to doubt it. They are but a political conspiracy.

Yours truly,

Anwar Ibrahim

The Second Letter dated 28 August 1998

The Honourable Dato’ Seri Dr Mahathir Mohammad

Dear Dato’ Seri,

I would like to add to the letter I wrote on 25 August 1998.

For more than a year, the police have known of a plot to drive a wedge between the two of us by raising doubts in the public mind regarding my character. (The report is hereby submitted by hand).
I attach here also Dato’ Nalla’s affidavit and clippings of press reports on them. It is clear that his detention and interrogation have nothing to do with national security. Instead he has been promised his freedom provided he signs a statement prepared by the police to disgrace his friends.

I would also like to inform you that a police officer has telephoned a former Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia lecturer to extort a statement from him to the effect that he once had a homosexual relationship with me. He was threatened with prosecution on charges related to his past activities.

These are additional pieces of information that support my conviction that all those lies about me were concocted as part of a political conspiracy. I submit this for your wise consideration. And may God give you peace and blessings.

Anwar Ibrahim

On April 23, Anwar did say he will be PM in 3 years, so what's the fuss about Sept 16 dateline?

Source: Malaysiakini.com

I'll be PM in three years, says Anwar

Apr 23, 08 6:18pm

Opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim today confidently predicted he would be prime minister within three years, sketching out the first rough timetable for his dramatic political comeback.

"I don't think we have established a definite clear time-frame when I will take over (as prime minister) but it certainly wouldn't reach three years ... much earlier than that," the former deputy premier told AFP.

"(But) I am not in a rush," he added.

Anwar, heir-apparent to long-time former premier Dr Mahathir Mohamad before being sacked and jailed a decade ago, has emerged as a serious threat to the ruling coalition after the opposition's strong showing in parliamentary polls.

He became free to run for office again last week, when a five-year ban stemming from his corruption conviction expired, and claims he has the support of enough defectors to topple the government.

The Barisan Nasional coalition has ruled Malaysia for more than half-a-century since the former colony gained independence from Britain but has been rocked by its unprecedented electoral setback in March.

The Pakatan Rakyat opposition alliance claimed more than a third of parliamentary seats and five states in the polls, putting Mahathir's successor, Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, under heavy pressure.

Anwar, 60, pledged more effective governance and to wipe out corruption and promote racial equality, addressing some of the public's major concerns.

"Our reform programme will certainly be more secure. We will push for a market economy, judicial independence and equality for all Malaysians," he said.

They could 'jump ship by August'

Anwar also repeated his claim that lawmakers from Sabah and Sarawak states had indicated interest in defecting from the ruling coalition to the opposition. He spoke to AFP at Kuala Lumpur airport on his way to Sabah.

"Lawmakers in the two states in Borneo island have approached me about switching sides, but so far none has declared their intentions publicly," he said.

Meanwhile, Anwar told reporters in Sabah that coalition lawmakers could jump ship by August after being sworn in at the end of April.

"It's all a matter of timing. Let parliament resume and they are sworn in as MPs (on April 28).... It could be the month after or by August," he said.

He added it would be done no later than no later than Malaysia Day, which falls on Sept 16.

Anwar also said that if the opposition took power, Sabah and Sarawak would be able to keep 20 percent of revenue from the oil they produce, up from the current 5 percent.

"These are the oil-producing states, yet in the case of Sabah it is among the poorest states in the country," he said.

Anwar will travel to Sarawak tomorrow to rally support for the opposition and to press his own claims for power.

Analysts have backed Anwar's statement that he has enough support to rule, saying turmoil in the ruling coalition could hasten an exodus of lawmakers and propel him to power.

Prime Minister Abdullah is facing growing demands to quit, but has defiantly claimed a mandate to rule and refused to discuss a succession plan.

Anwar had previously been expected to re-enter parliament quickly through a by-election in one of the seats held by his PKR party, but says he is in no hurry to act and will instead focus on building up the opposition.

Some 20,000 supporters attended Anwar's rally last week. The opposition leader was released in 2004 after spending six years in jail.

-AFP

Happy Reformasi Day

THE CORRIDORS OF POWER

Malaysia Today


20 September 1998 was the day Malaysia saw its biggest demonstration in history. That was also the day Anwar Ibrahim was arrested by a SWAT team with faces hidden under balaclavas and armed to the teeth. It was not until a few days later that the world discovered Anwar had been beaten up by no less than Malaysia’s chief of police and left unconscious on the floor of his cell until the following morning -- where an alarmed police officer found him exactly where he had been left the night before, still unconscious.

Anwar spent seven months in jail without bail while he faced trial on various charges of abuse of power and sexual misconduct. The reason they denied him bail was because he was a ‘threat to national security’, an allegation that had nothing to do with the charges he was facing. How Anwar can be charged for one offence and then denied bail for reasons that had no relation to the charge is probably something law students will be arguing about until the end of time. Only in Malaysia can the courts make up the rules as they go along and move the goalposts halfway through the game whenever they feel they are losing the plot.

The abuse of power charge Anwar faced was under Ordinance 22. That is an outdated law that had been repealed and had been replaced by new laws under the Anti-Corruption Act. Ordinances are laws introduced before Merdeka and Acts are laws introduced by Parliament after Merdeka. But somehow someone forgot to sign the papers so officially the law still existed. So they chose to charge Anwar under that law that had been unofficially repealed but officially was still valid since they forgot to sign the papers repealing that law.

Anwar’s lawyers, of course, protested and argued that while the law had not quite been repealed due to an oversight, nevertheless that law can be considered repealed since Parliament had repealed it and it should not have been used against Anwar. The court, however, was of the opinion that it is up to the prosecutor what laws they would like to use against Anwar and since the old Ordinance had somehow been mistakenly ‘retained’, then there is nothing wrong in using that law against Anwar.

In other words, since someone forgot to sign the papers to repeal the law that Parliament had repealed, then there is nothing wrong in still using this law. As long as Anwar is charged before the date the papers are signed then the charge is valid, even if the papers are signed the very next day and that law no longer exists during the course of the trial.

Anwar was found guilty and sentenced on 14 April 1999. In the meantime, he was forced to stay in jail since 20 September 1998, a period of seven months. Anwar was then sentenced to six years jail but the court refused to consider the seven months he had spent in jail without bail. The court decreed that his sentence would commence from 14 April 1999 and not 20 September 1998, as should have been the case.

Normally, your sentence starts from the day you are jailed, or what they would call the remand period. There have been many cases where detainees spend two or three years in jail because they can’t afford to pay the bail and when they are finally sentenced they walk out the day of sentencing because the sentence is shorter than the period of detention or remand. In Anwar’s case, the seven months he was in jail was totally ignored, so his jail sentence was not really six years but six years and seven months.

Since Malaysia does not, at least then, have a parole system, you are allowed a one-third remission on your sentence. This means Anwar would have served his sentence by midnight of 20 September 2002. But they refused to release him on 20 September 2002. Instead, Anwar only saw freedom on 2 September 2004, almost two years longer than what he should have spent in jail.

Yes, it has been a long ten years for Anwar. He has endured more than what rapists, bank robbers, extortionists, kidnappers, pimps, drug pushers, loan sharks, currency forgers, and other hardcore criminals have had to endure. Even murderers have been treated better and at times even allowed bail, even though according to the law murderers are not allowed bail.

Is Anwar about to finally enjoy the fruits of his ‘hard labour’? Has what he has gone through this last decade been worth it? We have only a few days more to see the answer to this question.

Anwar already has 34 Barisan Nasional Members of Parliament ‘in the bag’. The government knows this so they have sent these Members of Parliament to Taiwan for a ‘study tour’. They are supposed to all go study agriculture but they have taken their golf bags with them. You don’t have to be a rocket scientist to know what they are going to do in Taiwan.

While in Taiwan, the government will work on these Members of Parliament to try to persuade them to remain in Barisan Nasional and to not cross over to the opposition. The government knows that these Members of Parliament have already signed their letters and that these letters are now with Anwar. All Anwar needs to do is to present these letters to His Majesty the Agong to prove to the Agong that Abdullah Ahmad Badawi no longer commands the majority confidence in Parliament. So now they are also planning to send the Agong to Saudi Arabia to perform his Umrah. With the Agong out of the way, Anwar will not be able to present these letters to His Majesty.

Umno says there is no way Anwar can form the government on 16 September 2008, which is Malaysia Day. Never mind, they will all come home on 20 September 2008. If Anwar misses the 16 September 2008 deadline because the Members of Parliament and the Agong have all been sent away, there is still 20 September 2008. On 20 September 2008, everyone, the Agong included, will be home to see the new government being formed.

In fact, 20 September 2008 may be a better day than 16 September 2008. 20 September is Reformasi Day. 20 September is the day, in 1998, when the Reformasi Movement was born. 20 September was the day they arrested Anwar and kept him in jail for six years. 20 September was the day Malaysians decided enough is enough and a change is necessary. 20 September was the day that saw the beginning of the end for Umno and Barisan Nasional. So what more apt day to choose to form the new government than on 20 September 2008, Reformasi Day?

Mengapa Dollah memilih Anwar?

Kenapa Abdullah pilih Anwar

Abdullah Hj Ahmad berkata tidak alasan untuk dia tidak bertanding jawatan Presiden UMNO pada perhimpunan Agong tahun ini. Ini memberi pengertian dia hanya sekadar nak bertanding dan mengekalkan kerajaan tiga beranaknya pimpinan nya.
Kerana jika dia seorang pemimpin politik yang siuman dan berilmu, sudah pasti dia berkata bahawa banyak alasan yang menyebabkan saya bertanding daripada berkata tidak ada alasan kenapa tidak bertanding mempertahankan jawatannya.

Antara alasan yang boleh diberikan oleh nya ialah terpaksa meneruskan memegang jawatan Presiden UMNO kerana hendak bertanggung jawab membetulkan akan kesilapan yang berlaku sehingga rakyat dan ahli UMNO menolak UMNO/Barisan Nasional dalam PRU ke 12.

Sejarahnya perjalanan UMNO dan negara, kesemua Perdana Menteri meletakan jawatan kecuali Tun Razak Hussein setelah mendapat kepercayaan dari ahli parti UMNO dan juga Majlis Tertinggi UMNO akan memberikan sokongan kepada penggantinya.

Tunku meletakan jawatan selepas Tun Razak Hussein di akui diterima oleh ahli UMNO, Tun Husseein Onn juga meletakan jawatan setelah kesemua Naib Presiden UMNO dirundingkan dan menerima Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamed dan begitu Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad mengumumkan peletakan jawatan satelah dia merasakan Abdullah Hj Ahmad boleh mengambil tanggung jawab bagi meneruskan kesemua program yang dirancang.

Sebenarnya orang-orang di luar komuniti UMNO, sangat mengalu-alukan kenyataan Abdullah Hj Ahmad itu, dia memberikan andaian bahawa ada kebenaran bahawa Abdullah Hj Ahmad sudah berpakat dengan Anwar Ibrahim untuk kerajaan ini berpindah kepada Pakatan Rakyat atau kerajaan campuran di peringkat Persekutuan dan UMNO hanya menjadi parti serpihan memerintah hanya Terengganu, Melaka dan Johor sahaja atau Sabah jika Ketua Menteri tidak melompat. Tetapi rasanya dia akan melompat apabila kepentingan sudah tidak terjamin atau Kerajaan Federal yang baru memberi jaminan kepentingan tidak diganggu.

Melihat senario hari ini, apakah yang ditakuti oleh Abdullah Hj Ahmad, jika dia mempunyai latar belakang agama, sudah pasti dia lebih mengetahui hukum dan hakam pemimpin sepertinya dari sudut agama, Tetapi ada perkara lain dari Allah yang di takuti oleh Abdullah Hj Ahmad. Apakah perkara itu? Perkara tersebut adalah perniagaan anaknya yang sudah mencecah nilai RM5 Billion

Kerana Abdullah Hj Ahmad bukan seperti mana pendahulunya yang pernah menjadi Perdana Menteri, di mana anak-anak, kaum kerabat dan menantu tidak mencari keuntungan dari jawatan itu dan mengaut perniagaan yang bukan haknya, maka sudah tentu terlalu sukar mencari seorang pengganti yang boleh memastikan dan menjamin segala urusan perniagaan anak tidak terganggu dan di ganggu.

Maka siapakah pilihan Abdullah Hj Ahmad, yang pasti bukan Najib Tun Razak atau, Muhyiddin Yassin jauh sekali Tengku Razakeigh Hamzah, kalau ada pun Nor Yaakob dan Zaid Ibrahim tetapi kedua mereka tidak ada kedudukan di dalam UMNO, akhirnya terpaksalah digunakan Anwar Ibrahim, seorang yang memang bercita-cita untuk menjadi Perdana Menteri.

Jika melihat rekod Anwar Ibrahim dalam kempen PRU dan ucapan-ucapan di mana, dia langsung tidak menyentuh soal perniagaan atau terlibatnya Abdullah Hj Ahmad dalam membesarkan perniagaan anaknya. Serangan Anwar Ibrahim tidak seperti menyerang Tun Dr Mahathir Mohmad dalam soal KKN-Kroni-Korupsi dan Nepotisme,

Serangan Anwar Ibrahim hanya tertumpu kepada Najib Tun Razak, walhal Anwar Ibrahim bukan seorang yang bodoh bila mana tidak mengetahui bahawa pembelian senjata perang itu ada hubungan dengan kewangan politik UMNO dan bagaimana Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamed mendedahkan sejumlah 1.5 billion wang UMNO diserahkan kepada Abdullah, dan transaksi pembelian itu berlaku di waktu Abdullah Hj Ahmad sudah menjadi Presiden UMNO, bukankah kes senjata Perang itu tidak sama dengan pembelian kapal terbang Penerbangan Malaysia yang dirundingkan oleh Air Bas dan Boeing dengan Kamalludin Abdullah Badawi pemilik Scommi. Kenapa Anwar Ibrahim tidak membongkar isu ini, satu teka-teki yang menarik.

Dan terbaharu kenapa Anwar Ibrahim membisu seribu bahasa bila dua nama yang disebutkan sebagai perasuah sudah diberi anugerah Tan Sri oleh Abdullah Hj Ahmad.

Hari ini, dengan berbagai kenyataan yang dibuat oleh Anwar Ibrahim, jelaslah Mohd Najib Tun Razak hanya sekadar menggigit jari jika dia berperasaan sendiri untuk menjadi Perdana Menteri bila dia sendiri tidak boleh membaca bahawa Abdullah Hj Ahmad sudah ada pilihan nya. Dan UMNO sudah bersedia sekadar menjadi tukun di dasar laut dan adalah malang bagi UMNO kerana walau pun sudah menjadi tukun, ikan pun tidak hendak datang.

Abdullah Hj Ahmad sudah bersedia untuk menjadikan UMNO bermasalah, itu sebab dari mulut dia sendiri tidak sekali pun menafikan akan kenyataan Anwar Ibrahim yang mengatakan ada Ahli-Ahli Parlimen yang melompat. Semua dakwaan hanya disangkal oleh yang punya badan atau ketua parti yang berkenaan. Tidak terdapat langsung kenyataan dari Abdullah Hj Ahmad sendiri dalam hal lompat dan loncat ini?

Cerita terbaharu MCA - Malaysian Chinesse Assocition menafikan akan keluar dari Barisan Nasional. Tetapi hakikatnya MCA memang akan keluar kalau tidak hari ini mungkin esok dan bulan-bulan berikut. Kenapa dia hendak keluar dari Barisan Nasional? Jawapan mudah bahawa MCA yang pada awal nya bukan parti politik, dia hanya sekadar Persatuan Perniagaan China, sehingga hari semua orang tahu bahawa MCA hanya alat untuk kapitalis dan kapitan China.

Jika golongan perniagaan yang menguasai MCA merasakan bahawa kepentingan mereka tergugat di bawah pentadbiran UMNO dan akan berlaku pertambahan senarai peniaga Cina yang muflis, adakah MCA hendak kekal lagi dalam Barisan Nasional.

Semua parti politik tahu, bahawa Abdullah Hj Ahmad dan Anwar Ibrahim dua-dua budak Amerika. Tetapi Amerika hanya memberikan sokongan kepada yang dirasakan akan bertambah kuat. Saddam Hussein asalnya budak Amerika tetapi Amerika yang menggantung dia, bila dia cuba melawan dan tidak mendengar cakap Amerika.

Begitulah Abdullah Hj Ahmad yang yang dikelilingi oleh Oxbridge Mafia dan sebahagian berada di Tingkat 4, Perdana Putra yang sekarang dinasihatkan membuat sesuatu peralihan kuasa darinya bukan kepada Najib Tun Razak tetapi kepada Anwar Ibrahim dan dia akan berlaku bila-bila masa mulai sekarang.

Rakyat Malaysia khasnya orang-orang Melayu jangan menggunakan sentimen Yahudi atau kepentingan Zionis jika Anwar Ibrahim dilantik atau akan menjadi Perdana Menteri ke enam selepas satu PR kecil diadakan. Terimalah hakikat Malaysia sebuah Negara yang kecil dan masih lagi mengamalkan ekonomi budak atau menjadi hamba kepada kuasa asing kerana penasihat Abdullah hj Ahmad adalah Musa Hitam di mulutnya anti neo kolonialisme tetapi perbuatan ke arah itu.

Kita (orang-orang di dalam UMNO) juga bersedia dibodohkan bila-bila masa oleh Abdullah Hj Ahmad dan UMNO, yang terbaharu ialah memberikan rebet minyak yang dibayar oleh Pejabat Pos, walhal kerja yang boleh di mudahkan ialah bayar sahaja baki rebet itu berdasarkan kepada mana-mana cukai jalan di bawah RM 500, ini bererti pemilik kenderaan membawa sahaja geran kereta atau rakyat diminta membuat My kad supaya JPJ-Jabatan Pengangkutan Jalan mudah membayar baki yang mesti diterima.

Sang Kelembai: Akan prasangka baik dengan niat Anwar Ibrahim kerana kita semua mesti mempunyai kepercayaan bahawa apa jaminan yang diberikan kepada Abdullah Hj Ahmad ialah semata-mata janji-janji politik dan kita lihat berani ke tidak Pakatan Rakyat mengujudkan Suruhanjaya Kerajaan Bersih yang melibatkan juga Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamed.

Dewan Rakyat Members of Parliament

Bil. Nama
1 Ab Aziz bin Ab Kadir, Y.B. Tuan Haji
2 Ab. Halim bin Ab. Rahman, Y.B. Datuk
3 Abd Khalid bin Ibrahim , Y.B. Tan Sri Dato'
4 Abd. Hadi bin Awang, Y.B. Dato' Seri Haji
5 Abd. Rahman bin Bakri, Y.B. Tuan
6 Abdul Ghapur bin Salleh, Y.B. Datuk Seri Haji
7 Abdul Latif bin Ahmad, Y.B. Datuk Dr. Haji
8 Abdul Manan bin Ismail, Y.B. Dato'
9 Abdul Rahim bin Bakri, Y.B. Datuk
10 Abdul Rahman bin Haji Dahlan, Y.B. Dato' Haji
11 Abdul Wahab bin Haji Dolah, Y.B. Datuk Haji
12 Abdullah bin Haji Ahmad Badawi, Y.A.B. Dato' Seri
13 Abdullah bin Md Zin, Y.B. Dato' Dr.
14 Abdullah Sani bin Abdul Hamid, Y.B. Tuan
15 Abit Joo, Y.B. Tuan
16 Abu Bakar bin Taib, Y.B. Dato' Paduka
17 Abu Seman bin Haji Yusop, Y.B. Datuk Wira
18 Ago Anak Dagang, Y.B. Tuan
19 Ahmad bin Hamzah, Y.B. Datuk Wira
20 Ahmad bin Kasim, Y.B. Tuan Haji
21 Ahmad bin Maslan, Y.B. Tuan Haji
22 Ahmad Husni bin Mohamad Hanadzlah, Y.B. Dato' Haji
23 Ahmad Lai bin Bujang, Y.B. Tuan Haji
24 Ahmad Shabery bin Cheek, Y.B. Dato'
25 Ahmad Zahid bin Hamidi, Y.B. Dato' Seri Dr.
26 Alexander Nanta Linggi, Y.B. Tuan
27 Amran bin Ab Ghani, Y.B. Tuan
28 Anifah bin Haji Aman @ Haniff Amman, Y.B. Datuk
29 Anwar bin Ibrahim, Y.B. Dato' Seri
30 Azalina binti Dato' Othman Said, Y.B. Dato'
31 Azan bin Ismail, Y.B. Tuan
32 Azmi bin Khalid, Y.B. Dato' Seri Haji
33 Baharum bin Mohamad, Y.B. Datuk Haji
34 Bernard Giluk Dompok, Y.B. Tan Sri
35 Bung Mokhtar bin Radin, Y.B. Datuk
36 Charles Anthony a/l R. Santiago, Y.B. Tuan
37 Che Rosli bin Che Mat, Y.B. Dr.
38 Che Uda bin Che Nik, Y.B. Tuan
39 Chong Chieng Jen, Y.B. Tuan
40 Chong Eng, Y.B. Puan
41 Chor Chee Heung, Y.B. Dato'
42 Chow Kon Yeow, Y.B. Tuan
43 Chua Soon Bui, Y.B. Datuk
44 Chua Tee Yong, Y.B. Tuan
45 Chua Tian Chang, Y.B. Tuan
46 Devamany a/l S.Krishnasamy, Y.B. Tuan
47 Ding Kuong Hiing, Y.B. Tuan
48 Douglas Uggah Embas, Y.B. Datuk
49 Dzulkefly Ahmad, Y.B. Dr. Haji
50 Edmund Chong Ket Wah @ Chong Ket Fah, Y.B. Datuk Ir.
51 Enchin bin Majimbun @ Eric, Y.B. Datuk
52 Er Teck Hwa, Y.B. Tuan
53 Fadillah bin Haji Yusof, Y.B. Tuan Haji
54 Fong Chan Onn, Y.B. Dato' Seri Dr.
55 Fong Kui Lun, Y.B. Tuan
56 Fong Po Kuan, Y.B. Puan
57 Fuziah binti Salleh, Y.B. Puan Hajah
58 Gobalakrishnan a/l Nagapan, Y.B. Tuan
59 Gobind Singh Deo, Y.B. Tuan
60 Gwo-Burne Loh, Y.B. Tuan
61 Halimah binti Mohd Sadique, Y.B. Datuk
62 Hamim bin Samuri, Y.B. Tuan Ir. Haji
63 Hamzah Zainudin, Y.B. Dato'
64 Hasan bin Malek, Y.B. Dato' Haji
65 Hasbi bin Habibollah, Y.B. Tuan Haji
66 Hee Loy Sian, Y.B. Tuan
67 Henry Sum Agong, Y.B. Tuan
68 Hiew King Cheu, Y.B. Tuan
69 Hishammuddin bin Tun Hussein, Y.B. Dato' Seri
70 Hou Kok Chung, Y.B. Dr.
71 Ibrahim bin Ali, Y.B. Dato'
72 Idris bin Haji Haron, Y.B. Datuk Ir. Haji
73 Ismail bin Haji Abd Muttalib, Y.B. Dato' Haji
74 Ismail bin Haji Mohamed Said, Y.B. Tuan Haji
75 Ismail Bin Kasim, Y.B. Dato'
76 Ismail Sabri bin Ab Yaakob, Y.B. Dato'
77 Jacob Dungau Sagan, Y.B. Dato'
78 Jamaludin bin Dato' Mohd Jarjis, Y.B. Datuk Seri Dr. Haji
79 James Dawos Mamit, Y.B. Dato' Dr.
80 Jelaing Anak Mersat, Y.B. Tuan
81 Johari bin Abdul, Y.B. Tuan
82 John a/l Fernandez, Y.B Tuan
83 Joseph Entulu Anak Belaun, Y.B. Tuan
84 Joseph Kurup, Y.B. Tan Sri Datuk Seri Panglima
85 Joseph Pairin Kitingan, Y.B. Datuk Seri
86 Joseph Salang Anak Gandum, Y.B. Dato'
87 Juslie Ajirol, Y.B. Datuk
88 Kamarudin bin Jaffar, Y.B. Dato' Haji
89 Kamarul Baharin bin Abbas, Y.B. Dato'
90 Karpal Singh a/l Ram Singh, Y.B. Tuan
91 Khairy Jamaluddin, Y.B. Tuan
92 Khalid bin Abd Samad, Y.B. Tuan
93 Kong Cho Ha, Y.B. Dato'
94 Lajim bin Haji Ukin, Y.B. Datuk Seri Panglima Haji
95 Lee Boon Chye, Y.B. Dr.
96 Lee Chee Leong, Y.B. Datuk
97 Liang Teck Meng, Y.B. Tuan
98 Liew Chin Tong, Y.B. Tuan
99 Liew Vui Keong, Y.B. Datuk
100 Lilah bin Yasin, Y.B. Dato'
101 Lim Guan Eng, Y.B. Tuan
102 Lim Kit Siang, Y.B. Tuan
103 Lim Lip Eng, Y.B. Tuan
104 Liow Tiong Lai, Y.B. Dato'
105 Lo' Lo' binti Hj Mohamad Ghazali, Y.B. Dr.
106 Loke Siew Fook, Y.B. Tuan
107 M. Kulasegaran, Y.B. Tuan
108 M. Saravanan, Y.B. Datuk
109 Mahfuz bin Haji Omar, Y.B. Tuan Haji
110 Makin @ Makcus Mojigoh, Y.B. Datuk Dr.
111 Manikavasagam a/l Sundaram, Y.B. Tuan
112 Manogaran a/l Marimuthu, Y.B. Tuan
113 Masir Anak Kujat, Y.B. Tuan
114 Matulidi bin Jusoh, Y.B. Tuan
115 Maximus @ Johnity Ongkili, Y.B. Datuk Dr.
116 Md Sirat bin Abu, Y.B. Datuk
117 Micheal Jeyakumar Devaraj, Y.B. Dr.
118 Mohamad Shahrum bin Osman, Y.B. Dato' Dr.
119 Mohamed Azmin bin Ali, Y.B. Tuan
120 Mohamed bin Haji Aziz, Y.B. Datuk Haji
121 Mohamed Khaled bin Haji Nordin, Y.B. Dato' Seri
122 Mohamed Nazri bin Tan Sri Abdul Aziz, Y.B. Dato' Seri
123 Mohd Firdaus bin Jaafar, Y.B. Tuan
124 Mohd Hatta bin Md Ramli, Y.B. Dr.
125 Mohd Hayati bin Othman, Y.B. Dr. Haji
126 Mohd Jidin bin Shafee, Y.B. Dato'
127 Mohd Johari bin Baharom, Y.B. Dato'
128 Mohd Najib bin Tun Haji Abdul Razak, Y.B. Dato' Sri Haji
129 Mohd Nasir bin Ibrahim Fikri, Y.B. Dato'
130 Mohd Nasir bin Zakaria, Y.B. Tuan
131 Mohd Nizar bin Zakaria, Y.B. Tuan
132 Mohd Nor bin Othman, Y.B. Tuan Haji
133 Mohd Puad bin Zarkashi, Y.B. Dr.
134 Mohd Radzi bin Sheikh Ahmad, Y.B. Dato' Seri
135 Mohd Shafie bin Haji Apdal, Y.B. Dato' Seri
136 Mohd Yusmadi bin Mohd Yusoff, Y.B. Tuan
137 Mohd Zin bin Mohamed, Y.B. Dato' Ir.
138 Mohsin Fadzli bin Haji Samsuri, Y.B. Tuan
139 Mojilip bin Bumburing @ Wilfred, Y.B. Datuk Seri Panglima
140 Muhammad bin Husain, Y.B. Tuan
141 Muhammad Leo Micheal Toyad Abdullah, Y.B. Datuk Seri Dr.
142 Muhyiddin bin Mohd. Yassin, Y.B. Tan Sri Dato' Haji
143 Mujahid Yusof Rawa, Y.B. Dr.
144 Mukhriz bin Tun Mahathir, Y.B. Dato'
145 Mustapa bin Mohamed, Y.B. Dato'
146 Nancy binti Haji Shukri, Y.B. Puan Hajah
147 Nasharudin bin Mat Isa, Y.B. Tuan Haji
148 Ng Yen Yen, Y.B. Dato' Dr.
149 Nga Kor Ming, Y.B. Tuan
150 Ngeh Koo Ham, Y.B. Dato'
151 Noh bin Omar, Y.B. Dato' Haji
152 Nor Mohamed Yakcop, Y.B. Tan Sri
153 Norah binti Abdul Rahman, Y.B. Puan
154 Noraini binti Ahmad, Y.B. Dato'
155 Noriah binti Kasnon, Y.B. Puan
156 Nur Jazlan bin Mohamad, Y.B. Datuk
157 Nurul Izzah binti Anwar, Y.B. Puan
158 Ong Ka Chuan, Y.B. Dato' Seri
159 Ong Ka Ting, Y.B. Dato' Seri
160 Ong Tee Keat, Y.B. Datuk Ir.
161 Ooi Chuan Aun, Y.B. Tuan
162 P.Ramasamy a/l Palanisamy, Y.B. Prof. Dr.
163 Peter Chin Fah Kui, Y.B. Datuk
164 Rafidah binti Abd. Aziz, Y.B. Tan Sri,
165 Raime Unggi, Y.B. Tuan
166 Rais bin Yatim, Y.B. Datuk Seri Utama Dr.
167 Rashid bin Din, Y.B. Dato'
168 Razali bin Ibrahim, Y.B. Tuan
169 Razali bin Ismail, Y.B. Dato' Haji
170 Richard Riot Anak Jaem, Y.B. Datuk
171 Robert Lau Hoi Chew, Y.B. Datuk
172 Rohani binti Abdul Karim, Y.B. Datuk Hajah
173 Ronald Kiandee, Y.B. Datuk
174 Roslan bin Shaharum, Y.B. Tuan
175 Rosnah binti Haji Abdul Rashid Shirlin, Y.B. Puan
176 S. Subramaniam, Y.B. Datuk Dr.
177 Saifuddin bin Abdullah, Y.B. Dato'
178 Saifuddin Nasution bin Ismail, Y.B. Tuan
179 Salahuddin bin Haji Ayub, Y.B. Tuan
180 Salleh bin Kalbi, Y.B. Tuan Haji
181 Sapawi bin Haji Amat Wasali @ Ahmad, Y.B. Datuk
182 Shahrir bin Abdul Samad, Y.B. Dato'
183 Shamsul Anuar bin Nasarah, Y.B. Dato'
184 Shaziman bin Abu Mansor, Y.B. Dato'
185 Sim Tong Him, Y.B. Tuan
186 Siringan bin Gubat, Y.B. Datuk
187 Siti Mariah binti Mahmud, Y.B. Dr. Hajah
188 Siti Zailah binti Mohd Yusoff, Y.B. Puan
189 Sivarasa a/l K. Rasiah, Y.B. Tuan
190 Sulaiman Abdul Rahman bin Abdul Taib, Y.B. Dato Sri
191 Syed Hamid bin Syed Jaafar Albar, Y.B. Datuk Seri
192 Taib Azamudden bin Md Taib, Y.B. Tuan
193 Tajuddin bin Abdul Rahman, Y.B. Dato' Haji
194 Tan Ah Eng, Y.B. Puan
195 Tan Kok Wai, Y.B. Tuan
196 Tan Lian Hoe, Y.B. Dato'
197 Tan Seng Giaw, Y.B. Dr.
198 Tan Tee Beng, Y.B. Tuan
199 Tekhee @Tiki anak Lafe, Y.B. Datuk Dr.
200 Teng Boon Soon, Y.B. Tuan
201 Tengku Adnan bin Tengku Mansor, Y.B. Datuk Seri
202 Tengku Azlan Ibni Almarhum Sultan Abu Bakar, Y.B.M. Dato' Seri
203 Tengku Razaleigh bin Tengku Hamzah, Y.B.M. Tan Sri
204 Teo Nie Ching, Y.B. Puan
205 Teresa Kok Suh Sim, Y.B. Puan
206 Tiong King Sing, Y.B. Datuk Seri
207 Tiong Thai King, Y.B. Tuan
208 Tony Pua Kiam Wee, Y.B. Tuan
209 Wan Abdul Rahim bin Wan Abdullah, Y.B. Dato' Haji
210 Wan Junaidi bin Tuanku Jaafar, Y.B. Datuk Dr.
211 Wee Choo Keong, Y.B. Tuan
212 Wee Jeck Seng, Y.B. Tuan
213 Wee Ka Siong, Y.B. Dr.
214 William @ Nyallau Anak Badak, Y.B. Tuan
215 William Leong Jee Keen, Y.B. Tuan
216 Yong Khoon Seng, Y.B. Dato'
217 Yussof bin Haji Mahal, Y.B. Datuk Haji
218 Zahrain Mohamed Hashim, Y.B. Dato'
219 Zainal Abidin bin Ahmad, Y.B. Dato' Dr.
220 Zulhasnan bin Rafique, Y.B. Dato' Sri Haji
221 Zulkifli bin Noordin, Y.B. Tuan
222 Zuraida binti Kamaruddin, Y.B. Puan Hajah

Source: www.parlimen.gov.my

Nurturing the spirit of Asian Renaissance

“Reformasi, Reformasi….” these are the rousing battle cries at the ceramahs given by Anwar Ibrahim since the March/08 election and at the Permatang Pauh by-election campaigns, they are more jam-packed and impassioned than its emergence 10 years ago.
Anwar has the distinctive quality with the mettle to lead and the vision to move Malaysia forward, the landslide victory at Permatang Pauh had emphatically endorsed his grand plan on track to form the next government. His momentous Malaysian Economic Agenda can bring sweeping reform by embracing economic empowerment and social justice, a blueprint germinated from his book “The Asian Renaissance” he authored when he was Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister.
When in government Anwar never compromised his idealism to uphold social justice, to formulate policies to reduce poverty and to promote economic growth. But Anwar's interest went beyond economic achievements. He fought for government to be more tolerance towards political dissidents, the cultivation of openness, civil society, freedom and democracy and to accept religious diversity in Malaysia. "The quest for growth must always be balanced by a profound concern for social justice and equity." is the keystone of The Asian Renaissance. These principles and ideals have assumed greater significance in masterminding the MEA as a platform to reform Malaysia to a more vibrant, robust, competitive and humane economy.
Anwar also stressed in The Asian Renaissance that freedom and democracy must coexist concurrently with social order: “Foremost is the preservation of social order, without which there will be chaos. Freedom, under the circumstances, will be illusory. In a truly democratic regime, order is to be achieved through the exercise of authority with accountability, not merely by the coercive power of the state.”
The linchpin of the MEA is committed to transparency and efficiency in governments, and the upliftment of the poor in the society, the Malay, Chinese, Indians and other races. It is to build a more equitable society for all irrespective of race and religion. Under Anwar’s Prime Ministership the MEA will replace the anachronistic NEP which has out-lived its purpose since its creation 40 years ago to remedy the socio-economic inequality of the poor Malays. For too long the NEP has been hijacked by the cronies within the ruling BN regimes at the expense of the needy.
The resounding victory at Permatang Pauh has given Anwar’s opposition alliance Pakatan Rakyat a strong mandate to fulfil his agenda for an alternative government that is more competent to promote economic growth via productivity gain, and to reduce poverty in all segments of society. He envisioned this core belief in the Asian Renaissance for a humane economy: “Underpinning a humane economy is a philosophy of development guided by ethical and social concerns and founded upon the principles of justice and virtue.... the key to sustainable economic growth is still productivity…”. He already reminded the Pakatan Rakyat controlled state governments to keep their promises and to remain united, effective and strong to implement a more competitive, merit based policies. Only this can attract more foreign direct investments to grow the economy, subsequently to provide better services to the people especially the poor.
He has promised to reduce the fuel costs and to hold the national petroleum company Petronas answerable to parliament if Pakatan Rakyat were to form the next government, his opponents went on frenzied attacks accused him of economic vandalism. But Anwar has firm belief in fiscal restraint, as articulated in his Asian Renaissance: “In a humane economy, there is optimum utilization of scarce resources, discipline in fiscal management, promotion of a clear social agenda…”. He would exercise fiscal discipline to manage the economy responsibly.
Anwar is a rare man of ideal and conviction. Internationally he is a very rare character who can bridge the gap between West and Islam, he is widely recognised for his stance on good macroeconomic polices in banking regulation, corporate governance, the independence of judiciary, freedom and democracy, competency, accountability, transparency in governments.
At the home front, he is the only leader with moral courage committed to reform to serve the people first by empowering economic growth and social justice. When he was DPM his efforts were recognized with the following commendations:

- The AsiaMoney nominated Anwar as Finance Minister of the year in 1996
- The Time magazine in 1997 hailed Anwar as one of the new breed of Asian leaders.
- The Newsweek named Anwar Asian of the Year in 1998

Anwar would have easily taken over the role of PM long ago if he were submissive and acquiesced to his former boss’s insolence, but that would have made him as fail as the rest of the ruling regime. Anwar never compromised his principle, he put the welfare of the people ahead of his own aspiration. Thomas Jefferson words: “Leave no authority existing not responsible to the people.” stand firm and contending to Anwar.
The battle cries for Reformasi are clamouring for Anwar to form the government and to nurture the The Asian Renaissance to fruition to bring a new era for a just, progressive and prosperous Malaysia.

By: Daniel Lim
Sydney/Australia

Turunlah harga minyak..

Harga minyak global dah turun..kenapa kerajaan masih tidak turunkan harga minyak...

Buat orang susah aje..

Dan jangan bagi alasan kononnya tak boleh turun tiba tiba kerana takut naik sekali lagi..

Buat orang kurang berada lagi susah..

Memang hopeless kerajaan hari ini..

Tidak mengotakan janji..

Mengkhianati amanah..

Menaikkan harga minyak dengan begitu mendadak sekali..

Rasuah berleluasa..

Ikan bilis kecil ditangkap..

Ikan jerung besar dan gemuk dibiarkan berkeliaran dan bermaharajalela..

Buat lawak bodoh la pembesar-pembesar kerajaan negara sekarang..

Hangpa semua sekali segerombolan pun tak dapat lawan Anwar Ibrahim seorang sahaja..

Dia seorang saja dah boleh tewaskan semua dalam UMNO/BN..

Ha? Tunggu apa lagi..cepat-cepatlah pelawa beliau masuk semula dalam UMNO..

Tapi mungkin beliau tak akan masuk, sebab dahlah menteri-menteri semua tu takde challenge langsung..

Perkara mudah seperti debat pun dah kalah..lepas tu kata menang, lepas tu tangkap orang yang betul betul menang..

Orang kata today bentuk kerajaan, besok turun harga minyak..

Ni duk asyik asyik cakap protes tahun 74..

Memang 'mentekedarah' celaka punya tak boleh harap langsung memegang amanah mentadbir negara ini!!

Malaysian Student Leaders Summit's Biggest Mistake

Yes, MSLS be it 07 or 08 edition's biggest mistake is..

NOT to have Anwar Ibrahim as one of the speakers.

Enough said.

Quote of the year

"What else to say except I want to fuck the government?"

Snippets

Saya ada dua poin yang hendak disampaikan sahaja, yakni:

1. Semalam debat antara Anwar dan Shabery amat jelas one-sided. Anwar berpidato seolah beliau de facto Perdana Menteri, sementara Pak Lah hanya PM pada nama sahaja. Sepatutnya Anwar berdebat dengan Khairy Jamaluddin (selaku PM de facto bagi bapa mertuanya). Dengan itu, lebih seronoklah rakyat menonton, sekurang-kurangnya KJ mempunyai ijazah Politics, Philosophy dan Economics dari Oxfart. Beliau sudah tentunya tahu-menahu tentang ekonomi lebih daripada Menteri Penerangan yang selalu duk attack Anwar secara peribadi. Siapa kisah apa yang berlaku tahun 73-74. We care about now and the future. Oh btw, Shabery berkata sesuatu yang amat melucukan. Beliau berhujah bahawa Tun Dr Mahathir yang mengembangkan Petronas lalu Anwar menentangnya. Adakah Shabery sedar bahawa hari ini, Tun Dr M telah attack Pak Lah lebih teruk daripada Anwar attack Pak Lah. Malah, Tun M telah mengutuk seluruh kabinet pak lah yang tentunya terdiri daripada ahmad shabery sendiri sebagai 'hatchetmen' dan 'yes men'. Penguasaan bahasa Shabery begitu memalukan di Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka. Shabery oh shabery, semua negara, BUKAN semua negara-negara, dah jamak..nak jamak apa lagi...hang ni betul betul dungu la..orang melayu tapi tak tahu tatabahasa Melayu. baik hang pergi belajar BM kat peringkat UPSR, PMR dan SPM semula, aku ni chinese student pun boleh menang hadiah terbaik BM dua tahun berturut-turut form 4 dan 5. Menteri Penerangan yang dungu dan bangang... dah tak boleh diselamatkan dah...God bless u...

2. Hari ini, anwar ditahan di hadapan rumahnya di bukit segambut. Tapi hari ini di NST dan TheStar kata polis memberikan anwar masa sehingga pukul dua untuk pergi ke IPK KL untuk diambil kenyataan. Akan tetapi, anwar yang baru pulang dari HQ BPR telah ditahan polis pada jam 12.55...belum pun pukul 1 dan sudah tentunya ada 1 jam 5 min lagi untuk beliau ke balai polis. Apalah nak jadinya Polis diRasuah Malaysia (PDRM) ini..begitu bangang dan dungu macam Misinformation and Disinformation Minister Shabery, Nordin Kardi yang tak tahu IPP ada kaitan dengan minyak dan gas (God bless UUM and BTN). Begitu bahalul dan dangkal serta cetek yang tidak terhingga propaganda dan machinery BN. U all betul betul begitu stoopid sehingga Dr M pun keluar UMNO and he does not want to be associated with such a lousy party. nak spin cerita pun spin betul betul...ini dah nampak kebodohan yang amat ketara sehingga aku ni pun dah nak ikut perangai pak lah...selalu zzzzzzzz.....

CEMERLANG GEMILANG TEMBERANG

STATUTORY DECLARATION

I, RAJA PETRA BIN RAJA KAMARUDIN (IC No: 500927-71-5257), a Malaysian citizen of legal age residing at No. 5, Jalan BRP 5/5, BuKit Rahman Putra, 47000 Sungai Buloh, Selangor Darul Ehsan, do solemnly and sincerely affirm and say as follows:-

1. I have been reliably informed that between about 10 p.m. on 19th October 2006 and early hours of the following day, the night Altantuya Shaariibuu was murdered, three (3) other people were also present at the scene of the crime;

(a) Datin Seri Rosmah Mansor, wife of the Deputy Prime Minister of Malaysia, Dato’ Seri Najib Tun Razak

(b) Acting Colonel Aziz Buyong (then Lt. Col.) a C4 expert

(c) Acting Colonel Aziz’s wife, Norhayati (one of Rosmah’s ADC)

2. My informer states that Acting Colonel Aziz Buyong was the person who placed the C4 on various parts of Altantuya’s body while being witnessed by Datin Seri Rosmah Mansor and Norhayati.

3. I make this Statutory Declaration because I have been reliably informed about the involvement of these three people who have thus far not been implicated in the murder nor called as witnesses by the prosecution in the on going trial at the Shah Alam High Court. I also make this Statutory Declaration because I am aware that it is a crime not to reveal evidence that may help the police in its investigation of the crime.

4. I have further been reliably informed that Prime Minister, Dato Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi has received a written report from the Military Intelligence confirming what I have revealed above and that the report was subsequently handed over to his son-in-law, Khairy Jamaluddin, for safe-keeping.

5. I have also been reliably informed that one of the Rulers has been briefed about this matter and His Highness is fully aware of what I have revealed above.

6. I have knowledge of who has informed me of this matter plus I have knowledge of the Ruler who has been briefed and is aware of the matter but I have agreed that I shall not reveal this information other than mention that the Prime Minister and his son-in-law have been handed a written report confirming what I have revealed.

7. The purpose of this Statutory Declaration is to urge all these parties who have been duly informed and have knowledge of this matter to come forward to reveal the truth so that the police are able to conduct a proper and thorough investigation into the murder of Altantuya Shaariibuu.

And I make this solemn declaration conscientiously believing the same to be true and by virtue of the provisions of the Statutory Declaration Act, 1960.

SUBSCRIBED and SOLEMNLY DECLARED )
by the abovenamed RAJA PETRA BIN RAJA KAMARUDIN )
at Makhamah Tinggi Kuala Lumpur )
this 18th day of June 2008 )

So the rumour that KJ actually went to Anwar's house is true after all

Can you tell us the real story on how you joined Umno?

By Ezam Mohd Nor

There is a huge difference with what is being said about me meeting Umno leaders before the recent general election and the one before the 2004 election on my decision to join Umno. In 1999, after I was arrested under ISA (Internal Security Act), there were no efforts to pull me back into Umno. Later, there were attempts to get me to leave PKR and join Umno. I reject it at that time. My principle was that I will not make a deal while I am still in prison.

I was released in 2003 and Abdullah Ahmad Badawi became prime minister. He is different from Dr Mahathir (Mohamad). Mahathir’s approach is to pressure where by the more you fight him, the more he will pressure you. But Abdullah’s approach is to pull. That is why during the 2004 election, there were attempts to pull me back to Umno.

I saw that as an opportunity then to deal for Anwar Ibrahim’s freedom, at least to allow him to seek medical treatment overseas. At that time, Anwar was in critical condition. After discussing with other party members, they felt that priority must be given to save Anwar’s life. So we decided to initiate discussions with Umno leaders.

Those I met included Dr Mohd Khir Toyo, Muhammad Muhd Taib (both former Selangor MBs) and Abdul Aziz Shamsuddin (former minister). This was carried out with Anwar’s knowledge. In my second meeting with Khir Toyo, Anwar told me to bring along PKR leaders to the discussion as witnesses - Kamarul Baharin Abbas, Abdul Rahman Osman and Johari Abdul. Four of us went to meet Khir Toyo and I led the discussions. This was all before the 2004 general election.

So we met at Khir Toyo’s house and our stand was any deal must start with freeing Anwar, at least to get him medical treatment. When Khir Toyo could not commit, we backed out. He told us to contest and join the party but we said no. We are not interested in what we will get. Our focus is clear.

Then we met with Aziz with 12 other people and the same thing happened. He could not commit so I ended the conversation there. Some friends carried on the negotiations and joined Umno but I can understand that those were tough days and they had financial problems. I could not stop them but we’re still friends. I see that as a form of betrayal.

After the 2004 election, Anwar’s health got worse. BN won big and Dr Wan Azizah (Wan Ismail) then asked me to work on getting Anwar out and to open negotiations. We tried all sorts of ways. I met with Rahmah Osman (former deputy minister) who was then close to Abdullah and who was sympathetic to us. We sent a group of people to see the Muslim muftis (clerics) and Umno leaders close to the PM but the message did not reach him.

One day, a foreign reporter told me, ‘if you want to get to the PM, you get Khairy (Jamaluddin)’. I didn’t know Khairy. I must put this on record since there are so many allegations about me and him. This was about May or June 2004. So I tried to find Khairy through contacts in London and in the end I got it and I met him. That’s where my relationship with Khairy started.

I told him about our concerns for Anwar’s health and to pass this message to PM. After two meetings, he arranged a meeting between Wan Azizah and PM at PM’s office. I don’t know the details as I did not go in but it was basically about Anwar’s health. The first concern was to put Anwar permanently in hospital because at that time he was being tranferred in and out of prison. Right then, Abdullah picked up the phone, called the health minister and ordered to take Anwar out on the spot. We also asked for Anwar to receive overseas treatment but he was non-committal about that. Then lastly, we asked Abdullah not to interfere with Anwar’s trial unlike Mahathir. He gave his commitment not to interfere with the trial.

I still met with Khairy after that to get Anwar overseas medical treatment. Khairy tried and there was an agreement to send Anwar for treatment in Singapore instead of Germany. At first Wan Azizah did not agree but when I met Anwar, he said okay. According to Khairy, Abdullah agreed to this but the attorney-general challenged that it was against the provisions of the laws. So it did not materialise.

After a while, the court fixed a date for the appeal so we ceased discussions until the judgment. As it turned out, Anwar was released so as a courtesy I told Khairy about it and he asked if there was anything else he could do. I asked Anwar and Anwar said he wanted his passport back. So I told Khairy and that night alone, Khairy came over to Anwar’s house with the passport. So that is the incident when Khairy visited Anwar’s house.

I want to stress, the entire process was about saving Anwar’s life, not about any deal. I thought Anwar would come to my defence when people linked me to Khairy because they all knew. In fact I rejected all offers and remained steadfast to get Anwar out. After Anwar was free, there were no more dealings. I did not meet Khairy again. In fact he was afraid to see me because he was suffering from fierce criticisms at that time. We ceased our relationship.

In 2005, I had problems with the party and I started to distant myself from the party and set up Gerak (People’s Anti-Corruption Movement). There was no deal until this general election in March. Before this, friends tried to get me back into Umno but I rejected them all. Friend from PAS sincerely wanted me to contest in a safe seat in Kelantan but I rejected that too. Why? Because I was focused on reforms.

In 2008, there were invitation for me to run but I rejected those offers because I did not see any reforms in Umno worth joining back. At that time, I felt I was pushing for reforms more effectively through civil society with Gerak. After the new election tsunami, efforts were made by Abdullah and that is a significant move for reforms on the judiciary and corruption. I said these reforms are fundamental and I’m confident that it will open up the space and that’s why they arranged a meeting between me and Abdullah about a month ago.

If you want to call it a deal then, that’s the first deal to join Umno. After a two-hour meeting, I truly believe he is committed to reforms and he asked me to join Umno. It took me a week to discuss and talk it over with friends and family, so I made my decision in the end to join Umno. This is the whole process that took place.

Comments: In Malaysia, 99% of the rumors end up to be the truth. 1% unsure but also likely to be the truth.

Another picture which tells a thousand words

Two words: PERALIHAN KUASA

A picture tells a thousand words

Today I will not write anything in protest. Let this picture speaks for itself.

Tahniah Dato Sallehuddin Hashim, motivator yang hebat!

An open letter to non-Malays

by: Dato' Salehuddin Hashim | Mar 12, 04 8:57am

So according to Umno die-hards, the party will definitely be making a comeback among the Malay electorate in the coming general elections because Anwar Ibrahim is no longer a relevant election issue. That is understandable coming from the very people who had wrongly opined that Malays forget easily. How they wish that both are true.

No sir, we have not forgotten Anwar or the way he has been treated. If we are seen to be a bit muted in our expression of anger and regret, it is only because we are convinced that it is futile to reason with people whose opulent lifestyle depends solely on the plunder of public funds in the name of ‘ketuanan politik Melayu’.

The Malay grassroots are now acutely aware of the excesses of Umno politicians, both of their material self-interest and their desperation to silence critics. And for a brief moment in the aftermath of Anwar's trial, Malays sensed the commonalities in the sufferings of the various races, and that had resulted in a multi-racial opposition front. That sensibility still lingers awaiting the leadership of its cause celebre.

This time around, Malays will not be voting purely out of anger. In many ways, the Anwar saga has reminded us of the things that in reality have always mattered to us - human decency, the transient nature of life, and the frailty of human existence.

Others need not fear these holistic undertones. That it may transgress the rights of others is the favourite bogeyman of Umno stalwarts whose claim to civility includes prolonging the ISA, OSA, UUCA, Printing Presses and Publications Act, which in reality are already curtailing the civil liberties of Malaysians.

Non-Muslims are rightly apprehensive of a doctrine that is yet to have a chance to be presented to them with clarity. That is understandable. But the Malay polity must first find its own level before others may pass judgement. It is part of the process of philosophical reassessment that we need to go through in order for us to look to the future with dignity and earn the mutual respect of fellow Malaysians. It is a re-awakening which even Umno cannot stop.

In any event, inasmuch as the more extreme of us would prefer a theocracy, the electoral numbers are just not there. What is even more glaring is that even among most Malays, it is not a considered option. Let not the proliferation of headscarves and skullcaps scare you. These do not require deep Islamic jurisprudential thought to adopt.

In Egypt, Turkey, Morocco and Indonesia, among many other Muslim-majority countries where the percentages of Muslim population are far greater than in Malaysia, theocracy remains

on the backburner. Iran is one, but by default - excesses and brutality of the Shah era had compelled them to resort to a convenient escape route that many Iranians are already regretting.

So perhaps, non-Muslim Malaysians would be doing us all a favour if they help us to stop Umno-bred diseases before despondency tempt us to look for unthinkable alternatives.

One way to do that is to allow us the space to seek a comfortable Muslim identity. Let the discord that normally accompanies such fundamental soul-searching be confined to intra-community discourse, lest it be misunderstood as interference by the ‘enemy’. Who knows? After all this, other Malaysians might even like us better. And for the right reasons!

That is part of the Anwar legacy. He could have easily been accepted into the highest echelons of PAS leadership but he chose to build from scratch a multi-racial and multi-religious platform that is Parti Keadilan. That is truly why the establishment fears him. A re-inventing of Malay modern political thought based on Islamic integrity would render obsolete the BN's collusion of convenience and connivance of neo-colonial elites.

For those who have chosen to listen, Anwar's call is for mutual respect that is based on Malay-Muslim political leadership. However, the ‘M’ in his ‘Muslim’ has little to do with malaise, mismatched materialism and the maligning of others - symptoms from which many Malays now believe that Umno is suffering.

With all that gerrymandering highlighted by malaysiakini, BN's victory in this general election is a foregone conclusion. But let's not chalk that up to Malays having forgotten Anwar. Try tallying the Malay votes that Umno will be receiving with the votes when Anwar was an Umno leader.

For as long as Anwar remains an icon for reforms, he will never be forgotten. Neither will his call for justice and a civil society be divorced from the everyday life of fair-thinking Malaysians. Because of Anwar's expose, Malays will never look up to Umno the way they did before. Because of the Anwar saga, the Malays have dared to shed the docility that plagued them before.

It is poetic justice that it is the man who was the prime cause of the rot in Umno that is almost forgotten already, as if the public can't wait to be done with his extravagance, arrogance and hyperbole.

An article from Malaysia Think Tank London

It is easy to succumb to hyperbole after what might initially seem to be seismic shifts. But I do not hesitate to add my falsetto to the growing chorus declaring a political tsunami.



The first thing to do is to congratulate all new and returning members of the Dewan Rakyat and state assemblies. Every one of them should now be fully aware that what the rakyat giveth, they can taketh away. Over the next few days there will be page upon page dwelling on what went so dreadfully wrong, or screen upon screen dwelling upon what went so fantastically right. There will be ink splashed on how BN will adjust with the drubbing of the MCA and MIC, and there will be pixels dancing to how the DAP, PKR and PAS will form a long-term working relationship with one another.



But I want to talk about something else.



Liberty. This word did not feature in a single 2008 election manifesto. But when Tunku Abdul Rahman proclaimed independence he declared Malaya “for ever a sovereign democratic and independent State founded upon the principles of liberty and justice”. Whatever the intentions of Malaysians on polling day, they have undoubtedly strengthened the primary institution discharged with the duty of protecting their liberty: Parliament. Our Federal Constitution has been amended nearly seven hundred times by some accounts: a small sample includes amendments to automate Royal Assent to bills, expel Singapore and most recently, raise the retirement age of the Elections Commission Chairman.



The government party have 63% of the seats in the Dewan Rakyat from the barely over 50% they obtained in the national vote, for which they have First Past The Post to thank (I hasten to add however that I am no supporter of proportional representation for the lower house). BN will now have to rely much more on argument and persuasion if it hopes to amend the Constitution, and even legislation once seen as routine will be subject to much more scrutiny than before. A proper mechanism for whipping may evolve as empowered backbenchers weigh the pros and cons of defying the diktat of their party machinery. In short, Parliament will have to be listened to, and so it will want the independence and resources to run its own affairs. A well-stocked library. Access to researchers. Parliamentary-issued BlackBerries. Roofs which don’t leak.



By contrast, the USA has amended its Constitution 27 times. They have another layer of protection preventing their Constitution being tampered willy-nilly: the requirement that three-fourths of the states approve it. This is just one of the features of the USA’s federal structure.



Despite evidence that Kedah has existed as a separate sultanate since 1136, never mind the founding of Malacca, states’ individual flavours and identities have been ever more diminished by the growth of federal power. But federalism is another word barely mentioned by any of the political parties. Nonetheless the collective victories of DAP, PKR and PAS – it is fallacious to refer to them as “the opposition” in the five states where they are forming government – may herald a new era in the relationship between the federal and state administrations. It is of course entirely possible for state governments to hamper federal initiatives; and for federal government to slow the flow of cash. But such measures are limited by the Constitution – and the culprits will also have to face the eventual wrath of the rakyat. State government (and the local councils it appoints, or enables the election of) is by definition closer to the people than federal government – closer to street lighting, rubbish collection and tree cutting. Not very glamorous, but vital to the freedom of citizens to live in secure, comfortable and pleasant neighbourhoods. This devolution enables the townsfolk of Seremban to demand different things to the city dwellers of Kuala Terengganu; the new political balance will require Mentris Besar and Chief Ministers to be alert to appraising and responding to these desires.



I started with our first Prime Minister, and I end with our first Yang di Pertuan Agong Tuanku Abdul Rahman, whose commitment to federal parliamentary democracy never floundered. He vociferously denounced the MacMichael treaties which had formed the Malayan Union, campaigning strongly for the Federation of Malaya, and during his federal reign he flatly refused to sack the Prime Minister, arguing that would interfere with the sovereignty of parliament.



This time, it is the rakyat who have called for the strengthening of these checks and balances. There are many others, of course, and the Malaysia Think Tank London will be exploring them throughout the remainder of the year in a series of seminars which will be announced after the post-election hullabaloo dies down.

A very good, thought-provoking article

Ask any politician, "Is Black really White ?"

Politicians are at the forefront in creating a new world, but will they slip further into their world of power and deceit ?

In theory the judicial system and the political process operate independently of each other. In practice the lines of demarcation are often blurred and at a certain level both ideologies often merge into one.

The political process is in the hands of big business. It works to service the economic ethos of the day and does so effectively. The profit principle dominates, the democratic imperative follows. The financiers who control much of the world’s wealth set the pace. They decide policy; the politicians find ways to implement it. The world must be kept safe for those in control, long-term planning is therefore essential.

Many of the big decisions today are made in secret, the prying eye an unwelcome guest. The issues that affect people’s lives, the environment and the future matter little to the moneyed moguls. They operate behind closed doors and are not driven by human sentiment. Their objective is to garner as much power to the centre as possible; the poor and the weak further isolated. This process is called progress, it is blessed and endorsed by the political system, it is then rolled out as democracy. People buy into this illusion and the human saga continues.

The political process is a machine made up of many parts. It is global in reach and clear in purpose. It is cleverly designed, adaptable and ruthlessly efficient. It is that beast that facilitated two world wars in the last century and many others. All conflicts in fact have their origin in some political process. The philosophy underpinning big power is therefore predatory not peaceful, the instinct to control sharper than the urge to accommodate.

Wars don’t just happen, they are caused; the armaments industry prospers and the financiers pulling the strings plan the next escapade. So it is with many other things, hidden forces in the background shape events, the political process offers respectability. If it were any other way people would rebel. If they could see the enemy they would protest. In the past tyranny was opposed at every level. Today the political process camouflages the truth and politicians play a double game.

They accommodate the status quo while facilitating change, they talk idealistically yet act pragmatically, i.e., to get elected. Most of the big decisions are preordained; the rubber stamp only gives them political endorsement. Politicians know their place at the table and the limits of what they can say or do. Convention abhors a rebel and those with a restless spirit are quietly sidelined or squeezed out all together. The system is thus structured to comply with its master not to confront it. The beast that lurks in the background is exacting and cruel and its writ is sacrosanct.

Politicians serve the people and big power. In order to accommodate this contradiction they adopt different personae, a new face for every event, a mask to cloud the real intent. The facility to entertain so many opposites requires a certain mind-set, the mentality that can roll with the punches and run with events and not be perturbed: a new man so to speak. This new mind underpins the modern era; it is a vital link in the jigsaw of power.

Speaking in many tongues today the politician can rationalise the world, he can explain it but not reveal it. Hidden agendas remain in the background. Debate can centre on how things happen but not why. Peripheral issues dominate the landscape; the blueprint that decides all is never touched. The politician provides a mask, behind this industrial and economic tyranny prospers. Big power needs to camouflage reality; the politician is a ready accomplice in this deceit.

The local representative likewise plays his role. He keeps the illusion alive in town and county, the pretence that everything is as it seems. Once he sniffs the beast and where real power comes from he recoils. Better to live with things as they are than to lose everything. Very few challenge the system. Those few determined to expose everything are silenced or eliminated. It is in this fashion that the world survives as it does, unequal, unfair and unrestrained.

The media collude with the political process in preserving this charade. Newspapers do not highlight the duplicity of politicians and what is left unsaid. The electronic media is equally placid. All are in the pay of big business. The politicians can therefore play the game unhindered. Saying one thing and meaning another has now become second nature to the political class. They do so regularly and voluntarily on the airwaves, this has honed their skills not inhibited them. The masters of deceit have now become the icons of the age. History, however, will record a different verdict.

Politicians have little to fear from the institutions of the state or from the opposition. In fact all political parties sing virtually, the same tune. Big money decides the agenda, politicians vote on issues like the budget and the methods of distribution but little else. The decisions that affect the state of the world, the progress of wars, the extent of famines and the indigenous poor are made elsewhere. The democratic process gives the illusion of participation. Fewer and fewer now make decisions, all power is moving towards the centre.

The centralisation of power is the greatest threat to civilisation today. Emperors of the past saw its benefits; today politicians collude in its progress. In earlier times dictators ruled by force, at present power is acquired through consent. The citizen’s rights are being eroded the individual has little say in his future, local democracy is barely evident. The politicians elected to protect the system are supervising its decline. The emperor and his retinue are back in fashion again.

Politicians are at the forefront in creating a new world, an era of duplicity. They provide the mask behind which deceit can flourish, doublethink take precedence. Little that is said today can be taken at face value. Even the language is being rolled out as the enemy. Once black is presented as white people lose the ability to decipher what is real.

Words can mean anything; political jargon is the new tyranny of the age. The enemy can slip in the backdoor not by force but by invitation. The world can turn upside-down and be treated as normal. The politicians have acquiesced in this process; the world bequeathed to the future is their world. History will not judge them kindly.

Of rockets, half moons and full moons..

Dear all, I appreciate all you comments and admit that it is difficult to maintain my blog due to tight schedules and lack of time. anyway, rest be assured that i do surf Malaysia-Today a few times a day to keep abreast of the latest news.

Dear Din, thanks for your constructive criticisms from time to time. Hope this will be a good piece for your blog.

Today I would like to write about rockets, half moons and full moons. No, I am not going to the moon by a rocket nor am I harboring any ambition to fly to the moon. Read in between the lines and you will discover that these three symbols represent the three main opposition political parties in Malaysia. Yes, what I mean by rockets, half moons and full moons are DAP, PKR and PAS. After 50 years, is it ripe to change the government? Perhaps it is required as part and parcel of a healthy democratic process to ensure good governance, integrity and accountability. But it is more than that. The citizens' future are at stake. Is this the country we want to leave behind for our future generation when we are long gone? Do we want our children and grandchildren and great grandchildren to piss on our graves? It is time for change and the change starts now. In fact, the situation is changing and we have seen the people's power in recent demonstrations by BERSIH and HINDRAF. This coming March 2008 let us show those who walk in the corridors of power who are the real powers that be. Even if the elections are rigged, if majority supports opposition, BN would have no choice but to admit defeat. Those in power are there because of the rakyat. And now the rakyat wants a change. The rakyat needs a combination of rockets, half moons and full moons, all three components working together with a common aim, goal and objective to displace the government of the day. Change first, talk later. Rockets need to fire accurately to reach their targets. One of the targets is Penang. Oust this ineffective Gerakan/MCA leadership and replace it with a better, more credible leadership. Pak Lah had admitted BN will not do as well in this election so capitalize on the bread and butter issues. Once BN wins in March, the fuel prices will increase and so do other bills like toll rates etc. These are signs are mismanaged economy. The rakyat needs to see a united opposition. A united Barisan Rakyat opposition will spell the end for the ruling BN government.

CHANGE WITH THE HEAD, THE HEART AND THE HAND. CHANGE FOR A BETTER MALAYSIA.