Happy Reformasi Day

THE CORRIDORS OF POWER

Malaysia Today


20 September 1998 was the day Malaysia saw its biggest demonstration in history. That was also the day Anwar Ibrahim was arrested by a SWAT team with faces hidden under balaclavas and armed to the teeth. It was not until a few days later that the world discovered Anwar had been beaten up by no less than Malaysia’s chief of police and left unconscious on the floor of his cell until the following morning -- where an alarmed police officer found him exactly where he had been left the night before, still unconscious.

Anwar spent seven months in jail without bail while he faced trial on various charges of abuse of power and sexual misconduct. The reason they denied him bail was because he was a ‘threat to national security’, an allegation that had nothing to do with the charges he was facing. How Anwar can be charged for one offence and then denied bail for reasons that had no relation to the charge is probably something law students will be arguing about until the end of time. Only in Malaysia can the courts make up the rules as they go along and move the goalposts halfway through the game whenever they feel they are losing the plot.

The abuse of power charge Anwar faced was under Ordinance 22. That is an outdated law that had been repealed and had been replaced by new laws under the Anti-Corruption Act. Ordinances are laws introduced before Merdeka and Acts are laws introduced by Parliament after Merdeka. But somehow someone forgot to sign the papers so officially the law still existed. So they chose to charge Anwar under that law that had been unofficially repealed but officially was still valid since they forgot to sign the papers repealing that law.

Anwar’s lawyers, of course, protested and argued that while the law had not quite been repealed due to an oversight, nevertheless that law can be considered repealed since Parliament had repealed it and it should not have been used against Anwar. The court, however, was of the opinion that it is up to the prosecutor what laws they would like to use against Anwar and since the old Ordinance had somehow been mistakenly ‘retained’, then there is nothing wrong in using that law against Anwar.

In other words, since someone forgot to sign the papers to repeal the law that Parliament had repealed, then there is nothing wrong in still using this law. As long as Anwar is charged before the date the papers are signed then the charge is valid, even if the papers are signed the very next day and that law no longer exists during the course of the trial.

Anwar was found guilty and sentenced on 14 April 1999. In the meantime, he was forced to stay in jail since 20 September 1998, a period of seven months. Anwar was then sentenced to six years jail but the court refused to consider the seven months he had spent in jail without bail. The court decreed that his sentence would commence from 14 April 1999 and not 20 September 1998, as should have been the case.

Normally, your sentence starts from the day you are jailed, or what they would call the remand period. There have been many cases where detainees spend two or three years in jail because they can’t afford to pay the bail and when they are finally sentenced they walk out the day of sentencing because the sentence is shorter than the period of detention or remand. In Anwar’s case, the seven months he was in jail was totally ignored, so his jail sentence was not really six years but six years and seven months.

Since Malaysia does not, at least then, have a parole system, you are allowed a one-third remission on your sentence. This means Anwar would have served his sentence by midnight of 20 September 2002. But they refused to release him on 20 September 2002. Instead, Anwar only saw freedom on 2 September 2004, almost two years longer than what he should have spent in jail.

Yes, it has been a long ten years for Anwar. He has endured more than what rapists, bank robbers, extortionists, kidnappers, pimps, drug pushers, loan sharks, currency forgers, and other hardcore criminals have had to endure. Even murderers have been treated better and at times even allowed bail, even though according to the law murderers are not allowed bail.

Is Anwar about to finally enjoy the fruits of his ‘hard labour’? Has what he has gone through this last decade been worth it? We have only a few days more to see the answer to this question.

Anwar already has 34 Barisan Nasional Members of Parliament ‘in the bag’. The government knows this so they have sent these Members of Parliament to Taiwan for a ‘study tour’. They are supposed to all go study agriculture but they have taken their golf bags with them. You don’t have to be a rocket scientist to know what they are going to do in Taiwan.

While in Taiwan, the government will work on these Members of Parliament to try to persuade them to remain in Barisan Nasional and to not cross over to the opposition. The government knows that these Members of Parliament have already signed their letters and that these letters are now with Anwar. All Anwar needs to do is to present these letters to His Majesty the Agong to prove to the Agong that Abdullah Ahmad Badawi no longer commands the majority confidence in Parliament. So now they are also planning to send the Agong to Saudi Arabia to perform his Umrah. With the Agong out of the way, Anwar will not be able to present these letters to His Majesty.

Umno says there is no way Anwar can form the government on 16 September 2008, which is Malaysia Day. Never mind, they will all come home on 20 September 2008. If Anwar misses the 16 September 2008 deadline because the Members of Parliament and the Agong have all been sent away, there is still 20 September 2008. On 20 September 2008, everyone, the Agong included, will be home to see the new government being formed.

In fact, 20 September 2008 may be a better day than 16 September 2008. 20 September is Reformasi Day. 20 September is the day, in 1998, when the Reformasi Movement was born. 20 September was the day they arrested Anwar and kept him in jail for six years. 20 September was the day Malaysians decided enough is enough and a change is necessary. 20 September was the day that saw the beginning of the end for Umno and Barisan Nasional. So what more apt day to choose to form the new government than on 20 September 2008, Reformasi Day?

Mengapa Dollah memilih Anwar?

Kenapa Abdullah pilih Anwar

Abdullah Hj Ahmad berkata tidak alasan untuk dia tidak bertanding jawatan Presiden UMNO pada perhimpunan Agong tahun ini. Ini memberi pengertian dia hanya sekadar nak bertanding dan mengekalkan kerajaan tiga beranaknya pimpinan nya.
Kerana jika dia seorang pemimpin politik yang siuman dan berilmu, sudah pasti dia berkata bahawa banyak alasan yang menyebabkan saya bertanding daripada berkata tidak ada alasan kenapa tidak bertanding mempertahankan jawatannya.

Antara alasan yang boleh diberikan oleh nya ialah terpaksa meneruskan memegang jawatan Presiden UMNO kerana hendak bertanggung jawab membetulkan akan kesilapan yang berlaku sehingga rakyat dan ahli UMNO menolak UMNO/Barisan Nasional dalam PRU ke 12.

Sejarahnya perjalanan UMNO dan negara, kesemua Perdana Menteri meletakan jawatan kecuali Tun Razak Hussein setelah mendapat kepercayaan dari ahli parti UMNO dan juga Majlis Tertinggi UMNO akan memberikan sokongan kepada penggantinya.

Tunku meletakan jawatan selepas Tun Razak Hussein di akui diterima oleh ahli UMNO, Tun Husseein Onn juga meletakan jawatan setelah kesemua Naib Presiden UMNO dirundingkan dan menerima Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamed dan begitu Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad mengumumkan peletakan jawatan satelah dia merasakan Abdullah Hj Ahmad boleh mengambil tanggung jawab bagi meneruskan kesemua program yang dirancang.

Sebenarnya orang-orang di luar komuniti UMNO, sangat mengalu-alukan kenyataan Abdullah Hj Ahmad itu, dia memberikan andaian bahawa ada kebenaran bahawa Abdullah Hj Ahmad sudah berpakat dengan Anwar Ibrahim untuk kerajaan ini berpindah kepada Pakatan Rakyat atau kerajaan campuran di peringkat Persekutuan dan UMNO hanya menjadi parti serpihan memerintah hanya Terengganu, Melaka dan Johor sahaja atau Sabah jika Ketua Menteri tidak melompat. Tetapi rasanya dia akan melompat apabila kepentingan sudah tidak terjamin atau Kerajaan Federal yang baru memberi jaminan kepentingan tidak diganggu.

Melihat senario hari ini, apakah yang ditakuti oleh Abdullah Hj Ahmad, jika dia mempunyai latar belakang agama, sudah pasti dia lebih mengetahui hukum dan hakam pemimpin sepertinya dari sudut agama, Tetapi ada perkara lain dari Allah yang di takuti oleh Abdullah Hj Ahmad. Apakah perkara itu? Perkara tersebut adalah perniagaan anaknya yang sudah mencecah nilai RM5 Billion

Kerana Abdullah Hj Ahmad bukan seperti mana pendahulunya yang pernah menjadi Perdana Menteri, di mana anak-anak, kaum kerabat dan menantu tidak mencari keuntungan dari jawatan itu dan mengaut perniagaan yang bukan haknya, maka sudah tentu terlalu sukar mencari seorang pengganti yang boleh memastikan dan menjamin segala urusan perniagaan anak tidak terganggu dan di ganggu.

Maka siapakah pilihan Abdullah Hj Ahmad, yang pasti bukan Najib Tun Razak atau, Muhyiddin Yassin jauh sekali Tengku Razakeigh Hamzah, kalau ada pun Nor Yaakob dan Zaid Ibrahim tetapi kedua mereka tidak ada kedudukan di dalam UMNO, akhirnya terpaksalah digunakan Anwar Ibrahim, seorang yang memang bercita-cita untuk menjadi Perdana Menteri.

Jika melihat rekod Anwar Ibrahim dalam kempen PRU dan ucapan-ucapan di mana, dia langsung tidak menyentuh soal perniagaan atau terlibatnya Abdullah Hj Ahmad dalam membesarkan perniagaan anaknya. Serangan Anwar Ibrahim tidak seperti menyerang Tun Dr Mahathir Mohmad dalam soal KKN-Kroni-Korupsi dan Nepotisme,

Serangan Anwar Ibrahim hanya tertumpu kepada Najib Tun Razak, walhal Anwar Ibrahim bukan seorang yang bodoh bila mana tidak mengetahui bahawa pembelian senjata perang itu ada hubungan dengan kewangan politik UMNO dan bagaimana Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamed mendedahkan sejumlah 1.5 billion wang UMNO diserahkan kepada Abdullah, dan transaksi pembelian itu berlaku di waktu Abdullah Hj Ahmad sudah menjadi Presiden UMNO, bukankah kes senjata Perang itu tidak sama dengan pembelian kapal terbang Penerbangan Malaysia yang dirundingkan oleh Air Bas dan Boeing dengan Kamalludin Abdullah Badawi pemilik Scommi. Kenapa Anwar Ibrahim tidak membongkar isu ini, satu teka-teki yang menarik.

Dan terbaharu kenapa Anwar Ibrahim membisu seribu bahasa bila dua nama yang disebutkan sebagai perasuah sudah diberi anugerah Tan Sri oleh Abdullah Hj Ahmad.

Hari ini, dengan berbagai kenyataan yang dibuat oleh Anwar Ibrahim, jelaslah Mohd Najib Tun Razak hanya sekadar menggigit jari jika dia berperasaan sendiri untuk menjadi Perdana Menteri bila dia sendiri tidak boleh membaca bahawa Abdullah Hj Ahmad sudah ada pilihan nya. Dan UMNO sudah bersedia sekadar menjadi tukun di dasar laut dan adalah malang bagi UMNO kerana walau pun sudah menjadi tukun, ikan pun tidak hendak datang.

Abdullah Hj Ahmad sudah bersedia untuk menjadikan UMNO bermasalah, itu sebab dari mulut dia sendiri tidak sekali pun menafikan akan kenyataan Anwar Ibrahim yang mengatakan ada Ahli-Ahli Parlimen yang melompat. Semua dakwaan hanya disangkal oleh yang punya badan atau ketua parti yang berkenaan. Tidak terdapat langsung kenyataan dari Abdullah Hj Ahmad sendiri dalam hal lompat dan loncat ini?

Cerita terbaharu MCA - Malaysian Chinesse Assocition menafikan akan keluar dari Barisan Nasional. Tetapi hakikatnya MCA memang akan keluar kalau tidak hari ini mungkin esok dan bulan-bulan berikut. Kenapa dia hendak keluar dari Barisan Nasional? Jawapan mudah bahawa MCA yang pada awal nya bukan parti politik, dia hanya sekadar Persatuan Perniagaan China, sehingga hari semua orang tahu bahawa MCA hanya alat untuk kapitalis dan kapitan China.

Jika golongan perniagaan yang menguasai MCA merasakan bahawa kepentingan mereka tergugat di bawah pentadbiran UMNO dan akan berlaku pertambahan senarai peniaga Cina yang muflis, adakah MCA hendak kekal lagi dalam Barisan Nasional.

Semua parti politik tahu, bahawa Abdullah Hj Ahmad dan Anwar Ibrahim dua-dua budak Amerika. Tetapi Amerika hanya memberikan sokongan kepada yang dirasakan akan bertambah kuat. Saddam Hussein asalnya budak Amerika tetapi Amerika yang menggantung dia, bila dia cuba melawan dan tidak mendengar cakap Amerika.

Begitulah Abdullah Hj Ahmad yang yang dikelilingi oleh Oxbridge Mafia dan sebahagian berada di Tingkat 4, Perdana Putra yang sekarang dinasihatkan membuat sesuatu peralihan kuasa darinya bukan kepada Najib Tun Razak tetapi kepada Anwar Ibrahim dan dia akan berlaku bila-bila masa mulai sekarang.

Rakyat Malaysia khasnya orang-orang Melayu jangan menggunakan sentimen Yahudi atau kepentingan Zionis jika Anwar Ibrahim dilantik atau akan menjadi Perdana Menteri ke enam selepas satu PR kecil diadakan. Terimalah hakikat Malaysia sebuah Negara yang kecil dan masih lagi mengamalkan ekonomi budak atau menjadi hamba kepada kuasa asing kerana penasihat Abdullah hj Ahmad adalah Musa Hitam di mulutnya anti neo kolonialisme tetapi perbuatan ke arah itu.

Kita (orang-orang di dalam UMNO) juga bersedia dibodohkan bila-bila masa oleh Abdullah Hj Ahmad dan UMNO, yang terbaharu ialah memberikan rebet minyak yang dibayar oleh Pejabat Pos, walhal kerja yang boleh di mudahkan ialah bayar sahaja baki rebet itu berdasarkan kepada mana-mana cukai jalan di bawah RM 500, ini bererti pemilik kenderaan membawa sahaja geran kereta atau rakyat diminta membuat My kad supaya JPJ-Jabatan Pengangkutan Jalan mudah membayar baki yang mesti diterima.

Sang Kelembai: Akan prasangka baik dengan niat Anwar Ibrahim kerana kita semua mesti mempunyai kepercayaan bahawa apa jaminan yang diberikan kepada Abdullah Hj Ahmad ialah semata-mata janji-janji politik dan kita lihat berani ke tidak Pakatan Rakyat mengujudkan Suruhanjaya Kerajaan Bersih yang melibatkan juga Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamed.

Dewan Rakyat Members of Parliament

Bil. Nama
1 Ab Aziz bin Ab Kadir, Y.B. Tuan Haji
2 Ab. Halim bin Ab. Rahman, Y.B. Datuk
3 Abd Khalid bin Ibrahim , Y.B. Tan Sri Dato'
4 Abd. Hadi bin Awang, Y.B. Dato' Seri Haji
5 Abd. Rahman bin Bakri, Y.B. Tuan
6 Abdul Ghapur bin Salleh, Y.B. Datuk Seri Haji
7 Abdul Latif bin Ahmad, Y.B. Datuk Dr. Haji
8 Abdul Manan bin Ismail, Y.B. Dato'
9 Abdul Rahim bin Bakri, Y.B. Datuk
10 Abdul Rahman bin Haji Dahlan, Y.B. Dato' Haji
11 Abdul Wahab bin Haji Dolah, Y.B. Datuk Haji
12 Abdullah bin Haji Ahmad Badawi, Y.A.B. Dato' Seri
13 Abdullah bin Md Zin, Y.B. Dato' Dr.
14 Abdullah Sani bin Abdul Hamid, Y.B. Tuan
15 Abit Joo, Y.B. Tuan
16 Abu Bakar bin Taib, Y.B. Dato' Paduka
17 Abu Seman bin Haji Yusop, Y.B. Datuk Wira
18 Ago Anak Dagang, Y.B. Tuan
19 Ahmad bin Hamzah, Y.B. Datuk Wira
20 Ahmad bin Kasim, Y.B. Tuan Haji
21 Ahmad bin Maslan, Y.B. Tuan Haji
22 Ahmad Husni bin Mohamad Hanadzlah, Y.B. Dato' Haji
23 Ahmad Lai bin Bujang, Y.B. Tuan Haji
24 Ahmad Shabery bin Cheek, Y.B. Dato'
25 Ahmad Zahid bin Hamidi, Y.B. Dato' Seri Dr.
26 Alexander Nanta Linggi, Y.B. Tuan
27 Amran bin Ab Ghani, Y.B. Tuan
28 Anifah bin Haji Aman @ Haniff Amman, Y.B. Datuk
29 Anwar bin Ibrahim, Y.B. Dato' Seri
30 Azalina binti Dato' Othman Said, Y.B. Dato'
31 Azan bin Ismail, Y.B. Tuan
32 Azmi bin Khalid, Y.B. Dato' Seri Haji
33 Baharum bin Mohamad, Y.B. Datuk Haji
34 Bernard Giluk Dompok, Y.B. Tan Sri
35 Bung Mokhtar bin Radin, Y.B. Datuk
36 Charles Anthony a/l R. Santiago, Y.B. Tuan
37 Che Rosli bin Che Mat, Y.B. Dr.
38 Che Uda bin Che Nik, Y.B. Tuan
39 Chong Chieng Jen, Y.B. Tuan
40 Chong Eng, Y.B. Puan
41 Chor Chee Heung, Y.B. Dato'
42 Chow Kon Yeow, Y.B. Tuan
43 Chua Soon Bui, Y.B. Datuk
44 Chua Tee Yong, Y.B. Tuan
45 Chua Tian Chang, Y.B. Tuan
46 Devamany a/l S.Krishnasamy, Y.B. Tuan
47 Ding Kuong Hiing, Y.B. Tuan
48 Douglas Uggah Embas, Y.B. Datuk
49 Dzulkefly Ahmad, Y.B. Dr. Haji
50 Edmund Chong Ket Wah @ Chong Ket Fah, Y.B. Datuk Ir.
51 Enchin bin Majimbun @ Eric, Y.B. Datuk
52 Er Teck Hwa, Y.B. Tuan
53 Fadillah bin Haji Yusof, Y.B. Tuan Haji
54 Fong Chan Onn, Y.B. Dato' Seri Dr.
55 Fong Kui Lun, Y.B. Tuan
56 Fong Po Kuan, Y.B. Puan
57 Fuziah binti Salleh, Y.B. Puan Hajah
58 Gobalakrishnan a/l Nagapan, Y.B. Tuan
59 Gobind Singh Deo, Y.B. Tuan
60 Gwo-Burne Loh, Y.B. Tuan
61 Halimah binti Mohd Sadique, Y.B. Datuk
62 Hamim bin Samuri, Y.B. Tuan Ir. Haji
63 Hamzah Zainudin, Y.B. Dato'
64 Hasan bin Malek, Y.B. Dato' Haji
65 Hasbi bin Habibollah, Y.B. Tuan Haji
66 Hee Loy Sian, Y.B. Tuan
67 Henry Sum Agong, Y.B. Tuan
68 Hiew King Cheu, Y.B. Tuan
69 Hishammuddin bin Tun Hussein, Y.B. Dato' Seri
70 Hou Kok Chung, Y.B. Dr.
71 Ibrahim bin Ali, Y.B. Dato'
72 Idris bin Haji Haron, Y.B. Datuk Ir. Haji
73 Ismail bin Haji Abd Muttalib, Y.B. Dato' Haji
74 Ismail bin Haji Mohamed Said, Y.B. Tuan Haji
75 Ismail Bin Kasim, Y.B. Dato'
76 Ismail Sabri bin Ab Yaakob, Y.B. Dato'
77 Jacob Dungau Sagan, Y.B. Dato'
78 Jamaludin bin Dato' Mohd Jarjis, Y.B. Datuk Seri Dr. Haji
79 James Dawos Mamit, Y.B. Dato' Dr.
80 Jelaing Anak Mersat, Y.B. Tuan
81 Johari bin Abdul, Y.B. Tuan
82 John a/l Fernandez, Y.B Tuan
83 Joseph Entulu Anak Belaun, Y.B. Tuan
84 Joseph Kurup, Y.B. Tan Sri Datuk Seri Panglima
85 Joseph Pairin Kitingan, Y.B. Datuk Seri
86 Joseph Salang Anak Gandum, Y.B. Dato'
87 Juslie Ajirol, Y.B. Datuk
88 Kamarudin bin Jaffar, Y.B. Dato' Haji
89 Kamarul Baharin bin Abbas, Y.B. Dato'
90 Karpal Singh a/l Ram Singh, Y.B. Tuan
91 Khairy Jamaluddin, Y.B. Tuan
92 Khalid bin Abd Samad, Y.B. Tuan
93 Kong Cho Ha, Y.B. Dato'
94 Lajim bin Haji Ukin, Y.B. Datuk Seri Panglima Haji
95 Lee Boon Chye, Y.B. Dr.
96 Lee Chee Leong, Y.B. Datuk
97 Liang Teck Meng, Y.B. Tuan
98 Liew Chin Tong, Y.B. Tuan
99 Liew Vui Keong, Y.B. Datuk
100 Lilah bin Yasin, Y.B. Dato'
101 Lim Guan Eng, Y.B. Tuan
102 Lim Kit Siang, Y.B. Tuan
103 Lim Lip Eng, Y.B. Tuan
104 Liow Tiong Lai, Y.B. Dato'
105 Lo' Lo' binti Hj Mohamad Ghazali, Y.B. Dr.
106 Loke Siew Fook, Y.B. Tuan
107 M. Kulasegaran, Y.B. Tuan
108 M. Saravanan, Y.B. Datuk
109 Mahfuz bin Haji Omar, Y.B. Tuan Haji
110 Makin @ Makcus Mojigoh, Y.B. Datuk Dr.
111 Manikavasagam a/l Sundaram, Y.B. Tuan
112 Manogaran a/l Marimuthu, Y.B. Tuan
113 Masir Anak Kujat, Y.B. Tuan
114 Matulidi bin Jusoh, Y.B. Tuan
115 Maximus @ Johnity Ongkili, Y.B. Datuk Dr.
116 Md Sirat bin Abu, Y.B. Datuk
117 Micheal Jeyakumar Devaraj, Y.B. Dr.
118 Mohamad Shahrum bin Osman, Y.B. Dato' Dr.
119 Mohamed Azmin bin Ali, Y.B. Tuan
120 Mohamed bin Haji Aziz, Y.B. Datuk Haji
121 Mohamed Khaled bin Haji Nordin, Y.B. Dato' Seri
122 Mohamed Nazri bin Tan Sri Abdul Aziz, Y.B. Dato' Seri
123 Mohd Firdaus bin Jaafar, Y.B. Tuan
124 Mohd Hatta bin Md Ramli, Y.B. Dr.
125 Mohd Hayati bin Othman, Y.B. Dr. Haji
126 Mohd Jidin bin Shafee, Y.B. Dato'
127 Mohd Johari bin Baharom, Y.B. Dato'
128 Mohd Najib bin Tun Haji Abdul Razak, Y.B. Dato' Sri Haji
129 Mohd Nasir bin Ibrahim Fikri, Y.B. Dato'
130 Mohd Nasir bin Zakaria, Y.B. Tuan
131 Mohd Nizar bin Zakaria, Y.B. Tuan
132 Mohd Nor bin Othman, Y.B. Tuan Haji
133 Mohd Puad bin Zarkashi, Y.B. Dr.
134 Mohd Radzi bin Sheikh Ahmad, Y.B. Dato' Seri
135 Mohd Shafie bin Haji Apdal, Y.B. Dato' Seri
136 Mohd Yusmadi bin Mohd Yusoff, Y.B. Tuan
137 Mohd Zin bin Mohamed, Y.B. Dato' Ir.
138 Mohsin Fadzli bin Haji Samsuri, Y.B. Tuan
139 Mojilip bin Bumburing @ Wilfred, Y.B. Datuk Seri Panglima
140 Muhammad bin Husain, Y.B. Tuan
141 Muhammad Leo Micheal Toyad Abdullah, Y.B. Datuk Seri Dr.
142 Muhyiddin bin Mohd. Yassin, Y.B. Tan Sri Dato' Haji
143 Mujahid Yusof Rawa, Y.B. Dr.
144 Mukhriz bin Tun Mahathir, Y.B. Dato'
145 Mustapa bin Mohamed, Y.B. Dato'
146 Nancy binti Haji Shukri, Y.B. Puan Hajah
147 Nasharudin bin Mat Isa, Y.B. Tuan Haji
148 Ng Yen Yen, Y.B. Dato' Dr.
149 Nga Kor Ming, Y.B. Tuan
150 Ngeh Koo Ham, Y.B. Dato'
151 Noh bin Omar, Y.B. Dato' Haji
152 Nor Mohamed Yakcop, Y.B. Tan Sri
153 Norah binti Abdul Rahman, Y.B. Puan
154 Noraini binti Ahmad, Y.B. Dato'
155 Noriah binti Kasnon, Y.B. Puan
156 Nur Jazlan bin Mohamad, Y.B. Datuk
157 Nurul Izzah binti Anwar, Y.B. Puan
158 Ong Ka Chuan, Y.B. Dato' Seri
159 Ong Ka Ting, Y.B. Dato' Seri
160 Ong Tee Keat, Y.B. Datuk Ir.
161 Ooi Chuan Aun, Y.B. Tuan
162 P.Ramasamy a/l Palanisamy, Y.B. Prof. Dr.
163 Peter Chin Fah Kui, Y.B. Datuk
164 Rafidah binti Abd. Aziz, Y.B. Tan Sri,
165 Raime Unggi, Y.B. Tuan
166 Rais bin Yatim, Y.B. Datuk Seri Utama Dr.
167 Rashid bin Din, Y.B. Dato'
168 Razali bin Ibrahim, Y.B. Tuan
169 Razali bin Ismail, Y.B. Dato' Haji
170 Richard Riot Anak Jaem, Y.B. Datuk
171 Robert Lau Hoi Chew, Y.B. Datuk
172 Rohani binti Abdul Karim, Y.B. Datuk Hajah
173 Ronald Kiandee, Y.B. Datuk
174 Roslan bin Shaharum, Y.B. Tuan
175 Rosnah binti Haji Abdul Rashid Shirlin, Y.B. Puan
176 S. Subramaniam, Y.B. Datuk Dr.
177 Saifuddin bin Abdullah, Y.B. Dato'
178 Saifuddin Nasution bin Ismail, Y.B. Tuan
179 Salahuddin bin Haji Ayub, Y.B. Tuan
180 Salleh bin Kalbi, Y.B. Tuan Haji
181 Sapawi bin Haji Amat Wasali @ Ahmad, Y.B. Datuk
182 Shahrir bin Abdul Samad, Y.B. Dato'
183 Shamsul Anuar bin Nasarah, Y.B. Dato'
184 Shaziman bin Abu Mansor, Y.B. Dato'
185 Sim Tong Him, Y.B. Tuan
186 Siringan bin Gubat, Y.B. Datuk
187 Siti Mariah binti Mahmud, Y.B. Dr. Hajah
188 Siti Zailah binti Mohd Yusoff, Y.B. Puan
189 Sivarasa a/l K. Rasiah, Y.B. Tuan
190 Sulaiman Abdul Rahman bin Abdul Taib, Y.B. Dato Sri
191 Syed Hamid bin Syed Jaafar Albar, Y.B. Datuk Seri
192 Taib Azamudden bin Md Taib, Y.B. Tuan
193 Tajuddin bin Abdul Rahman, Y.B. Dato' Haji
194 Tan Ah Eng, Y.B. Puan
195 Tan Kok Wai, Y.B. Tuan
196 Tan Lian Hoe, Y.B. Dato'
197 Tan Seng Giaw, Y.B. Dr.
198 Tan Tee Beng, Y.B. Tuan
199 Tekhee @Tiki anak Lafe, Y.B. Datuk Dr.
200 Teng Boon Soon, Y.B. Tuan
201 Tengku Adnan bin Tengku Mansor, Y.B. Datuk Seri
202 Tengku Azlan Ibni Almarhum Sultan Abu Bakar, Y.B.M. Dato' Seri
203 Tengku Razaleigh bin Tengku Hamzah, Y.B.M. Tan Sri
204 Teo Nie Ching, Y.B. Puan
205 Teresa Kok Suh Sim, Y.B. Puan
206 Tiong King Sing, Y.B. Datuk Seri
207 Tiong Thai King, Y.B. Tuan
208 Tony Pua Kiam Wee, Y.B. Tuan
209 Wan Abdul Rahim bin Wan Abdullah, Y.B. Dato' Haji
210 Wan Junaidi bin Tuanku Jaafar, Y.B. Datuk Dr.
211 Wee Choo Keong, Y.B. Tuan
212 Wee Jeck Seng, Y.B. Tuan
213 Wee Ka Siong, Y.B. Dr.
214 William @ Nyallau Anak Badak, Y.B. Tuan
215 William Leong Jee Keen, Y.B. Tuan
216 Yong Khoon Seng, Y.B. Dato'
217 Yussof bin Haji Mahal, Y.B. Datuk Haji
218 Zahrain Mohamed Hashim, Y.B. Dato'
219 Zainal Abidin bin Ahmad, Y.B. Dato' Dr.
220 Zulhasnan bin Rafique, Y.B. Dato' Sri Haji
221 Zulkifli bin Noordin, Y.B. Tuan
222 Zuraida binti Kamaruddin, Y.B. Puan Hajah

Source: www.parlimen.gov.my

Nurturing the spirit of Asian Renaissance

“Reformasi, Reformasi….” these are the rousing battle cries at the ceramahs given by Anwar Ibrahim since the March/08 election and at the Permatang Pauh by-election campaigns, they are more jam-packed and impassioned than its emergence 10 years ago.
Anwar has the distinctive quality with the mettle to lead and the vision to move Malaysia forward, the landslide victory at Permatang Pauh had emphatically endorsed his grand plan on track to form the next government. His momentous Malaysian Economic Agenda can bring sweeping reform by embracing economic empowerment and social justice, a blueprint germinated from his book “The Asian Renaissance” he authored when he was Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister.
When in government Anwar never compromised his idealism to uphold social justice, to formulate policies to reduce poverty and to promote economic growth. But Anwar's interest went beyond economic achievements. He fought for government to be more tolerance towards political dissidents, the cultivation of openness, civil society, freedom and democracy and to accept religious diversity in Malaysia. "The quest for growth must always be balanced by a profound concern for social justice and equity." is the keystone of The Asian Renaissance. These principles and ideals have assumed greater significance in masterminding the MEA as a platform to reform Malaysia to a more vibrant, robust, competitive and humane economy.
Anwar also stressed in The Asian Renaissance that freedom and democracy must coexist concurrently with social order: “Foremost is the preservation of social order, without which there will be chaos. Freedom, under the circumstances, will be illusory. In a truly democratic regime, order is to be achieved through the exercise of authority with accountability, not merely by the coercive power of the state.”
The linchpin of the MEA is committed to transparency and efficiency in governments, and the upliftment of the poor in the society, the Malay, Chinese, Indians and other races. It is to build a more equitable society for all irrespective of race and religion. Under Anwar’s Prime Ministership the MEA will replace the anachronistic NEP which has out-lived its purpose since its creation 40 years ago to remedy the socio-economic inequality of the poor Malays. For too long the NEP has been hijacked by the cronies within the ruling BN regimes at the expense of the needy.
The resounding victory at Permatang Pauh has given Anwar’s opposition alliance Pakatan Rakyat a strong mandate to fulfil his agenda for an alternative government that is more competent to promote economic growth via productivity gain, and to reduce poverty in all segments of society. He envisioned this core belief in the Asian Renaissance for a humane economy: “Underpinning a humane economy is a philosophy of development guided by ethical and social concerns and founded upon the principles of justice and virtue.... the key to sustainable economic growth is still productivity…”. He already reminded the Pakatan Rakyat controlled state governments to keep their promises and to remain united, effective and strong to implement a more competitive, merit based policies. Only this can attract more foreign direct investments to grow the economy, subsequently to provide better services to the people especially the poor.
He has promised to reduce the fuel costs and to hold the national petroleum company Petronas answerable to parliament if Pakatan Rakyat were to form the next government, his opponents went on frenzied attacks accused him of economic vandalism. But Anwar has firm belief in fiscal restraint, as articulated in his Asian Renaissance: “In a humane economy, there is optimum utilization of scarce resources, discipline in fiscal management, promotion of a clear social agenda…”. He would exercise fiscal discipline to manage the economy responsibly.
Anwar is a rare man of ideal and conviction. Internationally he is a very rare character who can bridge the gap between West and Islam, he is widely recognised for his stance on good macroeconomic polices in banking regulation, corporate governance, the independence of judiciary, freedom and democracy, competency, accountability, transparency in governments.
At the home front, he is the only leader with moral courage committed to reform to serve the people first by empowering economic growth and social justice. When he was DPM his efforts were recognized with the following commendations:

- The AsiaMoney nominated Anwar as Finance Minister of the year in 1996
- The Time magazine in 1997 hailed Anwar as one of the new breed of Asian leaders.
- The Newsweek named Anwar Asian of the Year in 1998

Anwar would have easily taken over the role of PM long ago if he were submissive and acquiesced to his former boss’s insolence, but that would have made him as fail as the rest of the ruling regime. Anwar never compromised his principle, he put the welfare of the people ahead of his own aspiration. Thomas Jefferson words: “Leave no authority existing not responsible to the people.” stand firm and contending to Anwar.
The battle cries for Reformasi are clamouring for Anwar to form the government and to nurture the The Asian Renaissance to fruition to bring a new era for a just, progressive and prosperous Malaysia.

By: Daniel Lim
Sydney/Australia

Turunlah harga minyak..

Harga minyak global dah turun..kenapa kerajaan masih tidak turunkan harga minyak...

Buat orang susah aje..

Dan jangan bagi alasan kononnya tak boleh turun tiba tiba kerana takut naik sekali lagi..

Buat orang kurang berada lagi susah..

Memang hopeless kerajaan hari ini..

Tidak mengotakan janji..

Mengkhianati amanah..

Menaikkan harga minyak dengan begitu mendadak sekali..

Rasuah berleluasa..

Ikan bilis kecil ditangkap..

Ikan jerung besar dan gemuk dibiarkan berkeliaran dan bermaharajalela..

Buat lawak bodoh la pembesar-pembesar kerajaan negara sekarang..

Hangpa semua sekali segerombolan pun tak dapat lawan Anwar Ibrahim seorang sahaja..

Dia seorang saja dah boleh tewaskan semua dalam UMNO/BN..

Ha? Tunggu apa lagi..cepat-cepatlah pelawa beliau masuk semula dalam UMNO..

Tapi mungkin beliau tak akan masuk, sebab dahlah menteri-menteri semua tu takde challenge langsung..

Perkara mudah seperti debat pun dah kalah..lepas tu kata menang, lepas tu tangkap orang yang betul betul menang..

Orang kata today bentuk kerajaan, besok turun harga minyak..

Ni duk asyik asyik cakap protes tahun 74..

Memang 'mentekedarah' celaka punya tak boleh harap langsung memegang amanah mentadbir negara ini!!

Malaysian Student Leaders Summit's Biggest Mistake

Yes, MSLS be it 07 or 08 edition's biggest mistake is..

NOT to have Anwar Ibrahim as one of the speakers.

Enough said.

Quote of the year

"What else to say except I want to fuck the government?"

Snippets

Saya ada dua poin yang hendak disampaikan sahaja, yakni:

1. Semalam debat antara Anwar dan Shabery amat jelas one-sided. Anwar berpidato seolah beliau de facto Perdana Menteri, sementara Pak Lah hanya PM pada nama sahaja. Sepatutnya Anwar berdebat dengan Khairy Jamaluddin (selaku PM de facto bagi bapa mertuanya). Dengan itu, lebih seronoklah rakyat menonton, sekurang-kurangnya KJ mempunyai ijazah Politics, Philosophy dan Economics dari Oxfart. Beliau sudah tentunya tahu-menahu tentang ekonomi lebih daripada Menteri Penerangan yang selalu duk attack Anwar secara peribadi. Siapa kisah apa yang berlaku tahun 73-74. We care about now and the future. Oh btw, Shabery berkata sesuatu yang amat melucukan. Beliau berhujah bahawa Tun Dr Mahathir yang mengembangkan Petronas lalu Anwar menentangnya. Adakah Shabery sedar bahawa hari ini, Tun Dr M telah attack Pak Lah lebih teruk daripada Anwar attack Pak Lah. Malah, Tun M telah mengutuk seluruh kabinet pak lah yang tentunya terdiri daripada ahmad shabery sendiri sebagai 'hatchetmen' dan 'yes men'. Penguasaan bahasa Shabery begitu memalukan di Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka. Shabery oh shabery, semua negara, BUKAN semua negara-negara, dah jamak..nak jamak apa lagi...hang ni betul betul dungu la..orang melayu tapi tak tahu tatabahasa Melayu. baik hang pergi belajar BM kat peringkat UPSR, PMR dan SPM semula, aku ni chinese student pun boleh menang hadiah terbaik BM dua tahun berturut-turut form 4 dan 5. Menteri Penerangan yang dungu dan bangang... dah tak boleh diselamatkan dah...God bless u...

2. Hari ini, anwar ditahan di hadapan rumahnya di bukit segambut. Tapi hari ini di NST dan TheStar kata polis memberikan anwar masa sehingga pukul dua untuk pergi ke IPK KL untuk diambil kenyataan. Akan tetapi, anwar yang baru pulang dari HQ BPR telah ditahan polis pada jam 12.55...belum pun pukul 1 dan sudah tentunya ada 1 jam 5 min lagi untuk beliau ke balai polis. Apalah nak jadinya Polis diRasuah Malaysia (PDRM) ini..begitu bangang dan dungu macam Misinformation and Disinformation Minister Shabery, Nordin Kardi yang tak tahu IPP ada kaitan dengan minyak dan gas (God bless UUM and BTN). Begitu bahalul dan dangkal serta cetek yang tidak terhingga propaganda dan machinery BN. U all betul betul begitu stoopid sehingga Dr M pun keluar UMNO and he does not want to be associated with such a lousy party. nak spin cerita pun spin betul betul...ini dah nampak kebodohan yang amat ketara sehingga aku ni pun dah nak ikut perangai pak lah...selalu zzzzzzzz.....

CEMERLANG GEMILANG TEMBERANG

STATUTORY DECLARATION

I, RAJA PETRA BIN RAJA KAMARUDIN (IC No: 500927-71-5257), a Malaysian citizen of legal age residing at No. 5, Jalan BRP 5/5, BuKit Rahman Putra, 47000 Sungai Buloh, Selangor Darul Ehsan, do solemnly and sincerely affirm and say as follows:-

1. I have been reliably informed that between about 10 p.m. on 19th October 2006 and early hours of the following day, the night Altantuya Shaariibuu was murdered, three (3) other people were also present at the scene of the crime;

(a) Datin Seri Rosmah Mansor, wife of the Deputy Prime Minister of Malaysia, Dato’ Seri Najib Tun Razak

(b) Acting Colonel Aziz Buyong (then Lt. Col.) a C4 expert

(c) Acting Colonel Aziz’s wife, Norhayati (one of Rosmah’s ADC)

2. My informer states that Acting Colonel Aziz Buyong was the person who placed the C4 on various parts of Altantuya’s body while being witnessed by Datin Seri Rosmah Mansor and Norhayati.

3. I make this Statutory Declaration because I have been reliably informed about the involvement of these three people who have thus far not been implicated in the murder nor called as witnesses by the prosecution in the on going trial at the Shah Alam High Court. I also make this Statutory Declaration because I am aware that it is a crime not to reveal evidence that may help the police in its investigation of the crime.

4. I have further been reliably informed that Prime Minister, Dato Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi has received a written report from the Military Intelligence confirming what I have revealed above and that the report was subsequently handed over to his son-in-law, Khairy Jamaluddin, for safe-keeping.

5. I have also been reliably informed that one of the Rulers has been briefed about this matter and His Highness is fully aware of what I have revealed above.

6. I have knowledge of who has informed me of this matter plus I have knowledge of the Ruler who has been briefed and is aware of the matter but I have agreed that I shall not reveal this information other than mention that the Prime Minister and his son-in-law have been handed a written report confirming what I have revealed.

7. The purpose of this Statutory Declaration is to urge all these parties who have been duly informed and have knowledge of this matter to come forward to reveal the truth so that the police are able to conduct a proper and thorough investigation into the murder of Altantuya Shaariibuu.

And I make this solemn declaration conscientiously believing the same to be true and by virtue of the provisions of the Statutory Declaration Act, 1960.

SUBSCRIBED and SOLEMNLY DECLARED )
by the abovenamed RAJA PETRA BIN RAJA KAMARUDIN )
at Makhamah Tinggi Kuala Lumpur )
this 18th day of June 2008 )

So the rumour that KJ actually went to Anwar's house is true after all

Can you tell us the real story on how you joined Umno?

By Ezam Mohd Nor

There is a huge difference with what is being said about me meeting Umno leaders before the recent general election and the one before the 2004 election on my decision to join Umno. In 1999, after I was arrested under ISA (Internal Security Act), there were no efforts to pull me back into Umno. Later, there were attempts to get me to leave PKR and join Umno. I reject it at that time. My principle was that I will not make a deal while I am still in prison.

I was released in 2003 and Abdullah Ahmad Badawi became prime minister. He is different from Dr Mahathir (Mohamad). Mahathir’s approach is to pressure where by the more you fight him, the more he will pressure you. But Abdullah’s approach is to pull. That is why during the 2004 election, there were attempts to pull me back to Umno.

I saw that as an opportunity then to deal for Anwar Ibrahim’s freedom, at least to allow him to seek medical treatment overseas. At that time, Anwar was in critical condition. After discussing with other party members, they felt that priority must be given to save Anwar’s life. So we decided to initiate discussions with Umno leaders.

Those I met included Dr Mohd Khir Toyo, Muhammad Muhd Taib (both former Selangor MBs) and Abdul Aziz Shamsuddin (former minister). This was carried out with Anwar’s knowledge. In my second meeting with Khir Toyo, Anwar told me to bring along PKR leaders to the discussion as witnesses - Kamarul Baharin Abbas, Abdul Rahman Osman and Johari Abdul. Four of us went to meet Khir Toyo and I led the discussions. This was all before the 2004 general election.

So we met at Khir Toyo’s house and our stand was any deal must start with freeing Anwar, at least to get him medical treatment. When Khir Toyo could not commit, we backed out. He told us to contest and join the party but we said no. We are not interested in what we will get. Our focus is clear.

Then we met with Aziz with 12 other people and the same thing happened. He could not commit so I ended the conversation there. Some friends carried on the negotiations and joined Umno but I can understand that those were tough days and they had financial problems. I could not stop them but we’re still friends. I see that as a form of betrayal.

After the 2004 election, Anwar’s health got worse. BN won big and Dr Wan Azizah (Wan Ismail) then asked me to work on getting Anwar out and to open negotiations. We tried all sorts of ways. I met with Rahmah Osman (former deputy minister) who was then close to Abdullah and who was sympathetic to us. We sent a group of people to see the Muslim muftis (clerics) and Umno leaders close to the PM but the message did not reach him.

One day, a foreign reporter told me, ‘if you want to get to the PM, you get Khairy (Jamaluddin)’. I didn’t know Khairy. I must put this on record since there are so many allegations about me and him. This was about May or June 2004. So I tried to find Khairy through contacts in London and in the end I got it and I met him. That’s where my relationship with Khairy started.

I told him about our concerns for Anwar’s health and to pass this message to PM. After two meetings, he arranged a meeting between Wan Azizah and PM at PM’s office. I don’t know the details as I did not go in but it was basically about Anwar’s health. The first concern was to put Anwar permanently in hospital because at that time he was being tranferred in and out of prison. Right then, Abdullah picked up the phone, called the health minister and ordered to take Anwar out on the spot. We also asked for Anwar to receive overseas treatment but he was non-committal about that. Then lastly, we asked Abdullah not to interfere with Anwar’s trial unlike Mahathir. He gave his commitment not to interfere with the trial.

I still met with Khairy after that to get Anwar overseas medical treatment. Khairy tried and there was an agreement to send Anwar for treatment in Singapore instead of Germany. At first Wan Azizah did not agree but when I met Anwar, he said okay. According to Khairy, Abdullah agreed to this but the attorney-general challenged that it was against the provisions of the laws. So it did not materialise.

After a while, the court fixed a date for the appeal so we ceased discussions until the judgment. As it turned out, Anwar was released so as a courtesy I told Khairy about it and he asked if there was anything else he could do. I asked Anwar and Anwar said he wanted his passport back. So I told Khairy and that night alone, Khairy came over to Anwar’s house with the passport. So that is the incident when Khairy visited Anwar’s house.

I want to stress, the entire process was about saving Anwar’s life, not about any deal. I thought Anwar would come to my defence when people linked me to Khairy because they all knew. In fact I rejected all offers and remained steadfast to get Anwar out. After Anwar was free, there were no more dealings. I did not meet Khairy again. In fact he was afraid to see me because he was suffering from fierce criticisms at that time. We ceased our relationship.

In 2005, I had problems with the party and I started to distant myself from the party and set up Gerak (People’s Anti-Corruption Movement). There was no deal until this general election in March. Before this, friends tried to get me back into Umno but I rejected them all. Friend from PAS sincerely wanted me to contest in a safe seat in Kelantan but I rejected that too. Why? Because I was focused on reforms.

In 2008, there were invitation for me to run but I rejected those offers because I did not see any reforms in Umno worth joining back. At that time, I felt I was pushing for reforms more effectively through civil society with Gerak. After the new election tsunami, efforts were made by Abdullah and that is a significant move for reforms on the judiciary and corruption. I said these reforms are fundamental and I’m confident that it will open up the space and that’s why they arranged a meeting between me and Abdullah about a month ago.

If you want to call it a deal then, that’s the first deal to join Umno. After a two-hour meeting, I truly believe he is committed to reforms and he asked me to join Umno. It took me a week to discuss and talk it over with friends and family, so I made my decision in the end to join Umno. This is the whole process that took place.

Comments: In Malaysia, 99% of the rumors end up to be the truth. 1% unsure but also likely to be the truth.

Another picture which tells a thousand words

Two words: PERALIHAN KUASA

A picture tells a thousand words

Today I will not write anything in protest. Let this picture speaks for itself.

Tahniah Dato Sallehuddin Hashim, motivator yang hebat!

An open letter to non-Malays

by: Dato' Salehuddin Hashim | Mar 12, 04 8:57am

So according to Umno die-hards, the party will definitely be making a comeback among the Malay electorate in the coming general elections because Anwar Ibrahim is no longer a relevant election issue. That is understandable coming from the very people who had wrongly opined that Malays forget easily. How they wish that both are true.

No sir, we have not forgotten Anwar or the way he has been treated. If we are seen to be a bit muted in our expression of anger and regret, it is only because we are convinced that it is futile to reason with people whose opulent lifestyle depends solely on the plunder of public funds in the name of ‘ketuanan politik Melayu’.

The Malay grassroots are now acutely aware of the excesses of Umno politicians, both of their material self-interest and their desperation to silence critics. And for a brief moment in the aftermath of Anwar's trial, Malays sensed the commonalities in the sufferings of the various races, and that had resulted in a multi-racial opposition front. That sensibility still lingers awaiting the leadership of its cause celebre.

This time around, Malays will not be voting purely out of anger. In many ways, the Anwar saga has reminded us of the things that in reality have always mattered to us - human decency, the transient nature of life, and the frailty of human existence.

Others need not fear these holistic undertones. That it may transgress the rights of others is the favourite bogeyman of Umno stalwarts whose claim to civility includes prolonging the ISA, OSA, UUCA, Printing Presses and Publications Act, which in reality are already curtailing the civil liberties of Malaysians.

Non-Muslims are rightly apprehensive of a doctrine that is yet to have a chance to be presented to them with clarity. That is understandable. But the Malay polity must first find its own level before others may pass judgement. It is part of the process of philosophical reassessment that we need to go through in order for us to look to the future with dignity and earn the mutual respect of fellow Malaysians. It is a re-awakening which even Umno cannot stop.

In any event, inasmuch as the more extreme of us would prefer a theocracy, the electoral numbers are just not there. What is even more glaring is that even among most Malays, it is not a considered option. Let not the proliferation of headscarves and skullcaps scare you. These do not require deep Islamic jurisprudential thought to adopt.

In Egypt, Turkey, Morocco and Indonesia, among many other Muslim-majority countries where the percentages of Muslim population are far greater than in Malaysia, theocracy remains

on the backburner. Iran is one, but by default - excesses and brutality of the Shah era had compelled them to resort to a convenient escape route that many Iranians are already regretting.

So perhaps, non-Muslim Malaysians would be doing us all a favour if they help us to stop Umno-bred diseases before despondency tempt us to look for unthinkable alternatives.

One way to do that is to allow us the space to seek a comfortable Muslim identity. Let the discord that normally accompanies such fundamental soul-searching be confined to intra-community discourse, lest it be misunderstood as interference by the ‘enemy’. Who knows? After all this, other Malaysians might even like us better. And for the right reasons!

That is part of the Anwar legacy. He could have easily been accepted into the highest echelons of PAS leadership but he chose to build from scratch a multi-racial and multi-religious platform that is Parti Keadilan. That is truly why the establishment fears him. A re-inventing of Malay modern political thought based on Islamic integrity would render obsolete the BN's collusion of convenience and connivance of neo-colonial elites.

For those who have chosen to listen, Anwar's call is for mutual respect that is based on Malay-Muslim political leadership. However, the ‘M’ in his ‘Muslim’ has little to do with malaise, mismatched materialism and the maligning of others - symptoms from which many Malays now believe that Umno is suffering.

With all that gerrymandering highlighted by malaysiakini, BN's victory in this general election is a foregone conclusion. But let's not chalk that up to Malays having forgotten Anwar. Try tallying the Malay votes that Umno will be receiving with the votes when Anwar was an Umno leader.

For as long as Anwar remains an icon for reforms, he will never be forgotten. Neither will his call for justice and a civil society be divorced from the everyday life of fair-thinking Malaysians. Because of Anwar's expose, Malays will never look up to Umno the way they did before. Because of the Anwar saga, the Malays have dared to shed the docility that plagued them before.

It is poetic justice that it is the man who was the prime cause of the rot in Umno that is almost forgotten already, as if the public can't wait to be done with his extravagance, arrogance and hyperbole.

An article from Malaysia Think Tank London

It is easy to succumb to hyperbole after what might initially seem to be seismic shifts. But I do not hesitate to add my falsetto to the growing chorus declaring a political tsunami.



The first thing to do is to congratulate all new and returning members of the Dewan Rakyat and state assemblies. Every one of them should now be fully aware that what the rakyat giveth, they can taketh away. Over the next few days there will be page upon page dwelling on what went so dreadfully wrong, or screen upon screen dwelling upon what went so fantastically right. There will be ink splashed on how BN will adjust with the drubbing of the MCA and MIC, and there will be pixels dancing to how the DAP, PKR and PAS will form a long-term working relationship with one another.



But I want to talk about something else.



Liberty. This word did not feature in a single 2008 election manifesto. But when Tunku Abdul Rahman proclaimed independence he declared Malaya “for ever a sovereign democratic and independent State founded upon the principles of liberty and justice”. Whatever the intentions of Malaysians on polling day, they have undoubtedly strengthened the primary institution discharged with the duty of protecting their liberty: Parliament. Our Federal Constitution has been amended nearly seven hundred times by some accounts: a small sample includes amendments to automate Royal Assent to bills, expel Singapore and most recently, raise the retirement age of the Elections Commission Chairman.



The government party have 63% of the seats in the Dewan Rakyat from the barely over 50% they obtained in the national vote, for which they have First Past The Post to thank (I hasten to add however that I am no supporter of proportional representation for the lower house). BN will now have to rely much more on argument and persuasion if it hopes to amend the Constitution, and even legislation once seen as routine will be subject to much more scrutiny than before. A proper mechanism for whipping may evolve as empowered backbenchers weigh the pros and cons of defying the diktat of their party machinery. In short, Parliament will have to be listened to, and so it will want the independence and resources to run its own affairs. A well-stocked library. Access to researchers. Parliamentary-issued BlackBerries. Roofs which don’t leak.



By contrast, the USA has amended its Constitution 27 times. They have another layer of protection preventing their Constitution being tampered willy-nilly: the requirement that three-fourths of the states approve it. This is just one of the features of the USA’s federal structure.



Despite evidence that Kedah has existed as a separate sultanate since 1136, never mind the founding of Malacca, states’ individual flavours and identities have been ever more diminished by the growth of federal power. But federalism is another word barely mentioned by any of the political parties. Nonetheless the collective victories of DAP, PKR and PAS – it is fallacious to refer to them as “the opposition” in the five states where they are forming government – may herald a new era in the relationship between the federal and state administrations. It is of course entirely possible for state governments to hamper federal initiatives; and for federal government to slow the flow of cash. But such measures are limited by the Constitution – and the culprits will also have to face the eventual wrath of the rakyat. State government (and the local councils it appoints, or enables the election of) is by definition closer to the people than federal government – closer to street lighting, rubbish collection and tree cutting. Not very glamorous, but vital to the freedom of citizens to live in secure, comfortable and pleasant neighbourhoods. This devolution enables the townsfolk of Seremban to demand different things to the city dwellers of Kuala Terengganu; the new political balance will require Mentris Besar and Chief Ministers to be alert to appraising and responding to these desires.



I started with our first Prime Minister, and I end with our first Yang di Pertuan Agong Tuanku Abdul Rahman, whose commitment to federal parliamentary democracy never floundered. He vociferously denounced the MacMichael treaties which had formed the Malayan Union, campaigning strongly for the Federation of Malaya, and during his federal reign he flatly refused to sack the Prime Minister, arguing that would interfere with the sovereignty of parliament.



This time, it is the rakyat who have called for the strengthening of these checks and balances. There are many others, of course, and the Malaysia Think Tank London will be exploring them throughout the remainder of the year in a series of seminars which will be announced after the post-election hullabaloo dies down.

A very good, thought-provoking article

Ask any politician, "Is Black really White ?"

Politicians are at the forefront in creating a new world, but will they slip further into their world of power and deceit ?

In theory the judicial system and the political process operate independently of each other. In practice the lines of demarcation are often blurred and at a certain level both ideologies often merge into one.

The political process is in the hands of big business. It works to service the economic ethos of the day and does so effectively. The profit principle dominates, the democratic imperative follows. The financiers who control much of the world’s wealth set the pace. They decide policy; the politicians find ways to implement it. The world must be kept safe for those in control, long-term planning is therefore essential.

Many of the big decisions today are made in secret, the prying eye an unwelcome guest. The issues that affect people’s lives, the environment and the future matter little to the moneyed moguls. They operate behind closed doors and are not driven by human sentiment. Their objective is to garner as much power to the centre as possible; the poor and the weak further isolated. This process is called progress, it is blessed and endorsed by the political system, it is then rolled out as democracy. People buy into this illusion and the human saga continues.

The political process is a machine made up of many parts. It is global in reach and clear in purpose. It is cleverly designed, adaptable and ruthlessly efficient. It is that beast that facilitated two world wars in the last century and many others. All conflicts in fact have their origin in some political process. The philosophy underpinning big power is therefore predatory not peaceful, the instinct to control sharper than the urge to accommodate.

Wars don’t just happen, they are caused; the armaments industry prospers and the financiers pulling the strings plan the next escapade. So it is with many other things, hidden forces in the background shape events, the political process offers respectability. If it were any other way people would rebel. If they could see the enemy they would protest. In the past tyranny was opposed at every level. Today the political process camouflages the truth and politicians play a double game.

They accommodate the status quo while facilitating change, they talk idealistically yet act pragmatically, i.e., to get elected. Most of the big decisions are preordained; the rubber stamp only gives them political endorsement. Politicians know their place at the table and the limits of what they can say or do. Convention abhors a rebel and those with a restless spirit are quietly sidelined or squeezed out all together. The system is thus structured to comply with its master not to confront it. The beast that lurks in the background is exacting and cruel and its writ is sacrosanct.

Politicians serve the people and big power. In order to accommodate this contradiction they adopt different personae, a new face for every event, a mask to cloud the real intent. The facility to entertain so many opposites requires a certain mind-set, the mentality that can roll with the punches and run with events and not be perturbed: a new man so to speak. This new mind underpins the modern era; it is a vital link in the jigsaw of power.

Speaking in many tongues today the politician can rationalise the world, he can explain it but not reveal it. Hidden agendas remain in the background. Debate can centre on how things happen but not why. Peripheral issues dominate the landscape; the blueprint that decides all is never touched. The politician provides a mask, behind this industrial and economic tyranny prospers. Big power needs to camouflage reality; the politician is a ready accomplice in this deceit.

The local representative likewise plays his role. He keeps the illusion alive in town and county, the pretence that everything is as it seems. Once he sniffs the beast and where real power comes from he recoils. Better to live with things as they are than to lose everything. Very few challenge the system. Those few determined to expose everything are silenced or eliminated. It is in this fashion that the world survives as it does, unequal, unfair and unrestrained.

The media collude with the political process in preserving this charade. Newspapers do not highlight the duplicity of politicians and what is left unsaid. The electronic media is equally placid. All are in the pay of big business. The politicians can therefore play the game unhindered. Saying one thing and meaning another has now become second nature to the political class. They do so regularly and voluntarily on the airwaves, this has honed their skills not inhibited them. The masters of deceit have now become the icons of the age. History, however, will record a different verdict.

Politicians have little to fear from the institutions of the state or from the opposition. In fact all political parties sing virtually, the same tune. Big money decides the agenda, politicians vote on issues like the budget and the methods of distribution but little else. The decisions that affect the state of the world, the progress of wars, the extent of famines and the indigenous poor are made elsewhere. The democratic process gives the illusion of participation. Fewer and fewer now make decisions, all power is moving towards the centre.

The centralisation of power is the greatest threat to civilisation today. Emperors of the past saw its benefits; today politicians collude in its progress. In earlier times dictators ruled by force, at present power is acquired through consent. The citizen’s rights are being eroded the individual has little say in his future, local democracy is barely evident. The politicians elected to protect the system are supervising its decline. The emperor and his retinue are back in fashion again.

Politicians are at the forefront in creating a new world, an era of duplicity. They provide the mask behind which deceit can flourish, doublethink take precedence. Little that is said today can be taken at face value. Even the language is being rolled out as the enemy. Once black is presented as white people lose the ability to decipher what is real.

Words can mean anything; political jargon is the new tyranny of the age. The enemy can slip in the backdoor not by force but by invitation. The world can turn upside-down and be treated as normal. The politicians have acquiesced in this process; the world bequeathed to the future is their world. History will not judge them kindly.

Of rockets, half moons and full moons..

Dear all, I appreciate all you comments and admit that it is difficult to maintain my blog due to tight schedules and lack of time. anyway, rest be assured that i do surf Malaysia-Today a few times a day to keep abreast of the latest news.

Dear Din, thanks for your constructive criticisms from time to time. Hope this will be a good piece for your blog.

Today I would like to write about rockets, half moons and full moons. No, I am not going to the moon by a rocket nor am I harboring any ambition to fly to the moon. Read in between the lines and you will discover that these three symbols represent the three main opposition political parties in Malaysia. Yes, what I mean by rockets, half moons and full moons are DAP, PKR and PAS. After 50 years, is it ripe to change the government? Perhaps it is required as part and parcel of a healthy democratic process to ensure good governance, integrity and accountability. But it is more than that. The citizens' future are at stake. Is this the country we want to leave behind for our future generation when we are long gone? Do we want our children and grandchildren and great grandchildren to piss on our graves? It is time for change and the change starts now. In fact, the situation is changing and we have seen the people's power in recent demonstrations by BERSIH and HINDRAF. This coming March 2008 let us show those who walk in the corridors of power who are the real powers that be. Even if the elections are rigged, if majority supports opposition, BN would have no choice but to admit defeat. Those in power are there because of the rakyat. And now the rakyat wants a change. The rakyat needs a combination of rockets, half moons and full moons, all three components working together with a common aim, goal and objective to displace the government of the day. Change first, talk later. Rockets need to fire accurately to reach their targets. One of the targets is Penang. Oust this ineffective Gerakan/MCA leadership and replace it with a better, more credible leadership. Pak Lah had admitted BN will not do as well in this election so capitalize on the bread and butter issues. Once BN wins in March, the fuel prices will increase and so do other bills like toll rates etc. These are signs are mismanaged economy. The rakyat needs to see a united opposition. A united Barisan Rakyat opposition will spell the end for the ruling BN government.

CHANGE WITH THE HEAD, THE HEART AND THE HAND. CHANGE FOR A BETTER MALAYSIA.

Nation-building tips

Keynote Address by Duli Yang Teramat Mulia Raja Muda Perak Darul Ridzuan Raja Nazrin Shah Ibni Sultan Azlan Muhibbijddin Shah at The Young Malaysians' Roundtable

Discussion on National Unity and Development in Malaysia:Prospects and Challenges for Nation Building

Date: 3 April 2007
Time: 8:45AM
Venue: Bar Council, Kuala Lumpur
Ladies and Gentlemen:

1. It is my pleasure to be here to deliver the keynote address at this Roundtable Discussion on National Unity and Development in Malaysia: Challenges and Prospects for Nation Building. I am always happy to take part in an event where there are many young informed Malaysians. I find that this is time well spent. Not only does it give me a chance to share my thoughts, but it also lets me do a bit of opinion research among the younger generation. We like to say that our youth are the future of this country, but then we proceed to ignore or marginalise them. We want our future generations to be able to think and act wisely, but then we do not give them sufficient opportunities to do so.

2. In my view, this is not a good way to prepare those who will take our place. If the young are to be good leaders and citizens, they must be exposed to more than just abstract concepts. Even those nation states which have failed miserably have had great political ideals. I believe that good and upright leadership must be demonstrated. It has to be both taught and observed at work. Then, those who are found to be able must be mentored by those who are capable. In this way, success can be learned and replicated. Finally, the young must be given responsibilities they can handle. They should be allowed to make mistakes along the way as part of their overall learning process. If we do these things, our actions will echo loudly into the future.

3. My address this morning is on the challenges and prospects of nation building, a topic that is of the greatest and gravest importance. Nation building is essential to national unity which lies at the heart of what this country was, is and will be. With the passage of time, it seems that we are starting to forget this and it is imperative that we do not. In the time available, I hope to say enough to provide some fuel for the discussions to follow. It is my earnest wish that you will gain some further perspectives on the nature of nation building and that you will also deliberate on specific actionable ways to further it in this country.

4. Confucius insisted that language must be properly used if things are to get done, if justice is not to go astray, and if people are not to "stand about in helpless confusion." He disapproved of those who misused words to hide their true intentions and actions. So what exactly is nation building? Not surprisingly, there are many definitions, some which differ by a little and others by quite a lot. In his book, The Making of a Nation, for example, Professor Cheah Boon Kheng defined it as "both economic progress and socio-political integration of a nation, i.e. prosperity and national unity." This captures what are hopefully the two end results of nation building, but it makes no mention of its nature and process. I prefer the more common understanding, which is that it is the use of state power across different dimensions to ensure that a country is politically stable and viable in the long term. These dimensions include ethnicity and religion.

5. As a brief footnote, it should be noted that nation building is a heated and even hated notion in some parts of the world. The main reasons for this are, first, that it is taking place in the midst of great domestic turmoil and, second, that it is primarily initiated and managed by foreign powers. Trying to cobble a functioning state by papering over deep social and political rifts is, of course, easier said than done. History has shown us time and again, that it is much easier to break down, rather than build up, nations.

6. In the case of Malaysia, nation building has occurred in generally peaceful circumstances. It was not imposed by another country. And it is undertaken mainly by collective choice rather than compulsion. The fact that we have been able to forge a nation without resorting to the rule of the gun has made us something of a rarity and a case to be studied, if not emulated. It has allowed a relatively effective system of governance to develop. Our track record at development and resolving problems such as illiteracy, poverty and poor health has been good.

7. There is, of course, much more that can be done. Our institutions of governance are far from perfect and quality improvements will probably occupy us for at least the next fifty years, if not longer. Nevertheless, for all the criticisms that have been made, it is only common sense that we could not have survived, let alone prosper, these last fifty years if government institutions had not been responsive or effective.

8. So what are the central challenges to nation building going forward? Let me speak first more generally about the world, and then move specifically to Malaysia. To my mind, there are many challenges, but the one that stands out most is that of having to balance the need for change with that of continuity. Globalisation, in particular, has unleashed sweeping economic, political, social and cultural transformations that have weakened national institutions, values and norms. It is as if all the boats on the ocean had suddenly lost their anchors, rudders and compasses overnight. Naturally, this has produced a strong reaction in the form of a desire to preserve identity, character and tradition. These are among the strongest motivations known to mankind and have been at the foreground or background of practically every conflict that has ever been waged. Add to this, a deep sense of deprivation, powerlessness and injustice, both real and imagined, and the tension between change and continuity mount greatly.

9. Managing change on a national level is never easy, and certainly not on the scale and speed that we are witnessing. Multi-ethnic countries have to be especially watchful, and particularly if they have a weak sense of national collective identity. In the absence of a strong binding nationalism, they are prone to polarisation and competition along ethno-religious lines. The state, which may well start out by being a relatively honest broker, can become increasingly pressured to act in ways that favour the interests of one group over another. If the pendulum swings too far in one direction, dissatisfaction and frustrations will inevitably result. These can be expressed in ways that range from passive non-cooperation to active opposition and even violent conflict. To a large extent, this has led to the fragmentation of states.

10. Countries need to recognise the larger macro forces at work and understand their implications. They have to engage creatively to ensure that there are sufficient investments in social capital and cohesion. They must create and capitalise on co-operative systems within societies. In recent times, it has become usual to try and place the blame for the disintegrating state of world affairs on the doorstep of religion. This is a misunderstanding of the first order. Religion is not the cause of societal dystrophy; it is the antidote. It is a social stabiliser that allows believers to reconnect to values that are fast being lost in today's ever more materialistic and self-centred world.

11. What does Malaysia have to do to ensure that it continues to be successful at nation building? Psychologists say that our short-term memory can only hold seven items. Let me outline seven guidelines that I think will have to be borne in mind in future national building efforts.

12. First, Malaysians of all races, religions, and geographic locations need to believe beyond a shadow of a doubt that they have a place under the Malaysian sun. Only when each citizen believes that he or she has a common home and is working towards a common destiny, will he or she make the sacrifices needed for the long haul. In Malaysia, the Federal Constitution, the Rukun Negara and Vision 2020 encapsulate the rights, hopes and aspirations of the population in a way that no other documents do. The integrity of these documents must be defended and promoted, especially the first.

13. Second, when we seek solutions to problems in nation building, we must be careful not to assume away problems. Nation building is required precisely because there are stark differences within society. If we all walked, talked and thought the same, it would probably not be needed. There will therefore be chauvinistic groups in this country, just as there are in others. They will fight the idea of national unity, block social change and try to be politically dominant. The existence of these groups, however, does not mean that nation building is a futile exercise. It does mean that we must be prepared to negotiate our way through and around these differences. We can, for example, create social movements that aim to enlighten and dissuade popular support being given to them.

14. Third, nation building requires accommodation and compromise. In our haste to be prescriptive, we should not be so idealistic that we are incapable of also being practical. We should not allow perfection to be the enemy of the good. Yes, we should seek the best solutions and expect the highest standards of performance. But we should also be prepared to sacrifice some part of our positions for the good of the whole. The virtues of pure self-interest are largely a myth. What seems to be a reality is that individuals end up worse off when they act out of self-interest, as opposed to acting in their collective group interests.

15. Fourth, if nation building is to be successful, enforced solutions must be avoided. Nation building is effectively rendered null and void by coercion or the threat of violence. 'Might' cannot and must not be shown to be 'right'. If solutions cannot be found within the political and social structures, there will be a strong temptation to resort to illegitimate ways and means.

16. Fifth, nation building occurs when society is open, tolerant and forward-looking. So important are these values that they are embedded in Vision 2020's nine strategic challenges, as are those of mature democracy, caring society and innovation. Only by being inclusive and participative can the various sectors of our society be productively engaged. It follows that all forms of extremism, chauvinism, racism and isolationism must be guarded against. They must be soundly sanctioned socially, politically and, if necessary, also legally.

17. Sixth, nation building is a process rather than an outcome. When Malaysia started off fifty years ago, there were no examples to study. There were no manuals to follow. Mistakes were made and, to a greater or lesser extent, lessons have been learned. While a sense of impatience is perhaps fully understandable, nation building takes place over a period of time and only with persistence. Where there is no trust, trust has to be built. Where there is no cooperative network, one has to be established. Building on layers of foundation is the only way to ensure that the process is solid and sustainable.

18. Seventh, the political, social and economic incentives must reward good behaviour and penalise bad. I know that this statement is virtually self-evident, but it is a fact that many countries are as likely to punish good behaviour as to reward it. After all, if there are benefits for corruption, then there is a real cost to being honest. The incentives for building up a nation must be greater and more compelling than breaking it down. The price of racial and cultural intolerance must be made prohibitively high.

Ladies and Gentlemen:

19. I believe fostering national unity is the responsibility of every Malaysian. However, schools, institutions of higher learning and sports centres have a very special role to play. This is because the sense of national unity is best inculcated in the young. Through textbooks, sports and interaction, educators should eliminate ethnic stereo-types. Through the imaginative teaching of the history of Islamic, Chinese and Indian civilization, educators could foster greater understanding among different ethnic groups.

20. It is said that it takes a village to raise a child. I believe this is true. To me the village comprises three main institutions - family, school and community. From birth we should be taught to respect and honour each other's culture and heritage. Learning to interact with others is part of this process. Playing with children of other races on the play ground and in friends' homes, we learn to go beyond the colour lines early in life. In school we should be taught about other cultures and beliefs under the same roof as others of different ethnic groups - once again cutting through the colour lines.

Ladies and Gentlemen:

21. I am aware that there are many Malaysians who are deeply troubled at the state of national unity in this country. What I have tried to do today is disabuse you of the notion that there are any "quick fix" solutions in nation building. If you look closely enough at any country, even ones that are regarded today as highly successful such as Japan, you will find there have been episodes in its past where events were very tenuous. I hope we will do our best to guard against cynicism and hopelessness. And I hope we will all stay the course. Failure, may I remind you all, is a costly option.

22. I wish all speakers, facilitators and participants a constructive and fulfilling day ahead.


The 1st Young Malaysians' Roundtable Discussion on National Unity & Development in Malaysia "Challenges & Prospects for Nation Building" co-organised by the Centre for Public Policy Studies, Asian Strategy & Leadership Institute (ASLI) and the National Young Lawyers Committee, Bar Council was held on the 3rd April 2007 at the Bar Council. The Crown Prince of Perak, His Royal Highness Raja Dr. Nazrin Shah arrived at the Bar Council Secretariat building at about 9am to deliver the Keynote Address and officially open the Roundtable.

Date: 3 April 2007
Time: 8:45am
Venue: Bar Council, Kuala Lumpur

Malaysia Tonight premiering soon..

If Raja Petra Kamarudin has MalaysiaToday, there will be a MalaysiaTonight soon.. so stay tuned..

An open letter to Mustapa Mohamed, Minister of Higher Education, Malaysia.

Dear Sir,

Firstly, allow me to congratulate you on your new posting. It must be said though that you are not to be envied, for you are now faced with a Herculean task.

But, where are my manners? You have no idea who I am. I could be a complete nutcase.

Well, I’m an academic in a Malaysian public university. Which some people might consider a nutcase, anyway. But I’m very proud to be an academic.

It’s a noble profession, and it matters not that my students earn more than me within a few years of graduating and that little children run screaming from my hideously outdated clothes. It’s a calling to be an academic, and I care passionately about it.

That is why I’m writing to you. You see, there is much that is wrong with our universities and much that can be done by the Ministry to put things right.

You may not believe that my one purpose in writing to you is the improvement of our institutions, but let me assure you, we true academics (as opposed to wannabe politicians in lecturers’ clothes) don’t have hidden agendas.

Over the past few years, there has been this mantra chanted by the Government and university leaders: “We want our universities to be world-class universities.” Unfortunately, this mantra does not have any explanatory notes, so we don’t really know what “world-class” means. However, let us assume that a world-class university has the following:

Graduates who are employable, not only here but also abroad;

Academic staff who are respected worldwide;

Research and publications that are recognised by reputable international journals/publishers;

An academic programme that is recognised worldwide;

An academic atmosphere that can attract quality national and foreign students and staff.
If we accept these criteria as valid, what then can be done to achieve it?

Universities are not hampers

Universities are not rewards to be handed out. It has happened in Terengganu and the same has been promised to Kelantan. “Vote for us and we will give you a university.”

This may make political sense, but it does not make any academic sense. A lot of planning is needed to ensure that the resources are sufficient to create a university of quality.

Malaysia is not a very rich country – we can’t afford petrol subsidies, for goodness’ sake – and we definitely can’t afford to stretch our limited economic and intellectual resources to build universities in such a blasé manner.

Universities are not fast-food joints

They should instead be high-class restaurants. Universities have to be elitist in order to produce quality research and graduates.

An elitist university means that only the best candidates are taken in as students and only the best staff are hired. Classes and exams can then be pitched at a higher standard.

Furthermore, the resulting smaller student numbers mean seminars and tutorials can be truly conducive to discussions, and lecturers will have less of a teaching burden in order to concentrate on research.

This is not to say that higher education as a whole must be elitist. There are other forms of higher education institutions that can cater to school leavers who don’t make the cut, such as polytechnics and community colleges.

If you love your universities, you must set them free

Academics and students must be free to think and to express themselves.

Yes, I understand that this is Malaysia and freedom is seen as a dirty word by some, but without it, there is little hope of achieving “world-class” universities.

Intellectualism cannot grow in a repressive atmosphere.

We all know that in this country, there are many laws that restrict our freedom to express ourselves, but the irony is that for lecturers and students there are additional laws levelled at them.

You must be aware of the University and University Colleges Act – that wonderful piece of legislation designed to ensure that university students are little more than secondary school pupils.

You may not be aware, however, of the Statutory Bodies Discipline and Surcharge Act which affects academics who are the employees of statutory bodies.

According to this law, we can’t say anything for or against government policy without getting ministerial permission first.

Now, this may be all right for a mathematician quietly thinking up new formulae with which to calculate the possibility of Malaysia ever qualifying for the World Cup.

But for social scientists, it is akin to having the Malaysian football team play football without using their feet (which is perhaps something that they do anyway, looking at previous results).

The simple fact of the matter is that universities should first and foremost be the birthplace of ideas and original thought, discussion and debate, and this can’t be achieved with such laws hung around our necks.

And in case you’re worried that greater freedom will make our campuses hotbeds of radicalism, please let me put your fears to rest.

The number of students in this day and age who really care about matters beyond Akademi Fantasia is very small indeed.

Most students just want to graduate and as quickly as possible get into debt to pay for their three-bedroom flat and Proton Waja.

Universities need Mandelas

If there is one thing that Malaysian universities need, it is good leadership. And by a good leader, I mean a Vice-Chancellor who has the qualities of an outstanding intellectual, manager and diplomat, who can ensure that academic principles are paramount, not political expediency.

That promotions are given based on merit, not patronage. That students are treated like adults, not children. And finally, that the university is run on the highest ideals of civilisation and intellectualism, not self-aggrandisement and base toadying.

An outstanding academic leader, someone who can efficiently organise the place, represent the institution with dignity and command the respect of those working under him, or her, is a rare creature indeed.

To seek out such a person, may I suggest that the search committee your predecessor was talking about be made a reality.

This search committee, however, must be independent and transparent. It must not be hiHndered by any political agenda and must instead pick the candidates based on ability – and ability alone. Factors such as race, creed, gender and nationality should not be a consideration.

Perhaps we’d like to take lessons from elsewhere. Oh, before you think I’m suggesting a “study trip” abroad (with the usual sightseeing and cultural diversions), let me make it clear that I think the taxpayers’ money need not be wasted in such a fashion. After all, writing an e-mail is probably all you need to do to get the necessary information.

You may wish to start with New Zealand universities. I say New Zealand because the VC of Auckland University was recently poached by Oxford to be its Vice-Chancellor. The first non-English VC of Oxford since, well, since forever.

Now, that’s world-class, don’t you think? And from a country much smaller than us where the sheep outnumber the humans. Amazing.Well then, Sir, I think I’d best sign off now. You must have loads to do. Oh, before I forget, if you want to lighten the workload of your officers, may I make a last suggestion?

Why don’t you just leave the day-to-day running of the universities in the hands of the universities? I bet the Ministry has enough on its plate without having to decide about trivial things like professorial promotions and the approving of leave for academics to go to conferences and holidays overseas.

Anyway, thanks for taking the time to read my letter. Good luck with your endeavours. Until next time, I remain,

Yours sincerely,
AZMI SHAROM

Dr Azmi Sharom is an associate professor of the Law Faculty of Universiti Malaya and has been spotted joining the 'Walk for Justice' in Putrajaya on Sept 26, 2007. His interview with Malaysiakini can be viewed at www.malaysiakini.tv (drenched in rain)

Perdana Leadership Foundation (PLF) Essay

Theme: Nurturing the minds of Future Leaders

Title: Five lessons we can learn from the history of Malaysia, from Merdeka to the present day.

Prelude:

Former Prime Minister, Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, when he was the 4th Prime Minister, has been stressing that our country has been colonised by foreign powers for more than 500 years during his yearly Merdeka eve speeches. There is an important significance in the fact of colonisation for such a long period. According to a prolific historian, George Santayana, “Those who forget the past are condemned to repeat it”. This statement holds true and history remains our best teacher at all times, the past, the present, the future. History is often being ridiculed as unimportant and a total waste of time based on a saying “forget the past, cherish the present and face the future.” According to Emeritus Professor Dato’ Dr Khoo Kay Kim in the NTV7 breakfast show interview to promote this essay competition, an economist once said that historians are people who drive cars forward but keep looking at the rear mirror. He reciprocated by saying that economists are people who drive cars forward with their dim light shining into the darkness of uncertainty. Indeed, history is as important as economy is, if not more. While we do not always look at the rear mirror all the time, we certainly do not travel in darkness all the time. However, before overtaking a vehicle in ‘front’ of us on a highway, we certainly need to look at the ‘rear’ mirror, don’t we?

Lesson number 1: National interest must be placed above self-interest

We must stress the importance of remembering our forefathers of independence and their invaluable, priceless contributions. Dato’ Onn Jaafar laid the foundations against Malayan Union by establishing UMNO. Subsequently, Tunku Abdul Rahman proclaimed independence for Malaya in 1957. Soon after, Sabah and Sarawak joined Malaya to form Malaysia in 1963. The Alliance Party (UMNO-MCA-MIC) managed to negotiate for independence from the British government. This is a classic example of putting nation first. UMNO could have continued championing Malay rights; MCA could have just continued to be business-based. But this did not happen. Instead, the three main races came together for one common goal – freedom and having our own democracy, our own rule of law as enshrined in the constitution today. Modern context refers to transparency and accountability. Leaders should not misuse or abuse the power and mandate given to them by the voters. Leaders must not be selfish and arrogant. Credit must be given where it is due. Greed is evil. As Mahatma Gandhi once said, “There is enough for everyone’s need, but not enough for everyone’s greed.” Simple as it sounds, yet there are so many greedy politicians in the world today. World history has taught us many valuable lessons. The ‘people power’ in the Philippines, ‘reformasi rakyat’ in Indonesia and recently the military coup in Thailand have shown us the fate of leaders who are not interested in serving the people’s interests. The moral of the story is that we require clean, honest, transparent and accountable leaders.


Lesson number 2: Nation-building’s essential ingredients – unity and tolerance

Unity is the key to Malaysia’s success in the developing world. Malaysia is unique in the sense that she is multicultural, multiethnic and multi religious. Differences in opinions and ways of life do not hinder Malaysians from mingling with one another. Tolerance emerged in the hearts and minds of the people. If every race starts to demand for this and that, the government would not be able to cater to the needs of a particular race. Unity and tolerance is no doubt very crucial to be maintained at all times. History has taught us an important lesson about racial riots. Riots and chaos are not only detrimental to our peace and security, but also disrupt the economy. One thing leads to another. When people fight, nobody works, productivity decreases causing economic sluggishness. Everything comes to a slowdown, if not standstill. Leaders should not campaign and propagate along racial lines which will conspicuously precipitate anger among their followers. Instead, they should regard themselves as working towards a ‘bangsa Malaysia’ or a Malaysian race. A good, tightly-knitted fabric protects the person who wears it. The same thing applies in the concept of unity. Thankfully, there is no prejudice or stereotype towards other Malaysians of different ethnicity. For instance, a Malaysian of Chinese ethnicity can be walking alone in a village occupied by Malaysians of Malay ethnicity without any sense of fear or insecurity. Likewise, a lonely banana fritters seller of Malay ethnicity can open a stall right in the heart of a village occupied by Malaysians of Chinese ethnicity. Notice that I refrain from using the terms ‘Chinese Malaysians’ and ‘Malay Malaysians’.

Lesson number 3: Co-operation and understanding vital to maintaining harmony

Co-operation and understanding lead to the formation of the National Front (Barisan Nasional, BN in short) – the party which has ruled Malaysia since independence. A strong coalition of multiracial parties was formed by Tun Abdul Razak to further promote unity and tolerance after the horrible 1969 riots. Discussion and fanning of ‘sensitive issues’ are prohibited. The concept of coercion-cum-persuasion is being applied after 1969 with the establishment of the National Consultative Council and the National Operation Council. Everything is placed in order and the rights of each race are discussed and agreed in consensus. Sometimes, the decision based on consensus seemed to be better than a decision derived through voting. Voting can cause a slim, simple majority which can lead to disharmony. Though some may argue that there is no absolute consensus due to differences in opinions and principles, this has been the way BN works and the citizens have been putting them in power ever since independence so we can conclude that this concept is what the people wanted. Reaching an agreement through consensus is vital. It highlights the fact that there is a significant level of co-operation and understanding among the parties in BN. Consistent with its impartial weighing scale symbol, BN aims to achieve social justice and economic imbalances. With reference to lesson number two, the Rukunegara was introduced to instill a sense of unity and nationhood among the various ethnic groups. This national ideology is perceived as a ‘carrot and stick’ strategy of the overall affirmative action policy which will be discussed in lesson number four.

Lesson number 4: Social and economic mobility – the way forward

The fourth lesson is actually a continuation of the third lesson but I feel it requires in-depth discourse thus the partition. In order to focus on socioeconomic progress, the government formulated policies which help the marginalised, especially the poor Malays in order to achieve a better balance of income disparity among the Malays and Chinese. The New Economic Policy (NEP) and ‘Rancangan Buku Merah’ plan were launched to assist villages in rural areas to gain social mobility and economic dynamicity. In the pipeline was the mobilisation of natural resources such as palm oil, rubber, natural oil and gas. Exports are increased and the country experienced a strong economic growth. Without such policies to help the marginalised, there is no way Malaysia can move forward. One of the criteria of a developed nation is having a reasonably high per capita income for each working citizen. Thus, without the implementation of the NEP, Vision 2020 which is going to be discussed in the fifth lesson is far from reality. The wealth of the national economy should be enjoyed by all races in Malaysia. In short, if we expand the economic cake, everybody gets a bigger share, rather than ‘robbing’ from the rich to give the poor (Robin Hood concept). The Second Malaysia Plan, 1971-1975 categorically stated: “The NEP is based upon a rapidly expanding economy which offers increasing opportunities for all Malaysians, and the government will ensure that no particular group will experience any loss or feel any sense of deprivation.”

Lesson number 5: The leadership factor – innovation, imagination, insight toward Vision 2020

Intelligent and charismatic leaders are required to develop Malaysia. The 1st and 2nd Prime Ministers were lawyers who speak well. Although not much is documented about Tun Hussein Onn, who was also a lawyer himself, the title of Bapa Perpaduan Malaysia which was given to him speaks much of his charisma in maintaining unity among Malaysians. Later, the 4th Prime Minister, a medical doctor by profession, introduced many policies which revolutionized Malaysia for the past 20 years. Dr Mahathir introduced the Look East Policy which is clearly beneficial to our work ethics. In 1991, he introduced Vision 2020. For the past few months, intensive criticisms of current Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi seemed to raise some doubts about whether or not Vision 2020 can be achieved. A good leader should be innovative and imaginative. In order words, creative and critical thinking is required. A weak leader who allows oneself to be manipulated by unscrupulous advisers and cronies will only lead to the downfall of the government. What happened in Indonesia and the Philippines are good examples which should be studied seriously. Therefore, we need to inculcate a strong sense of patriotism among the young and future generations because they are the ones who will be taking over the helm of the country one day. With regards to the theme of the essay, future leaders of our beloved Malaysia who show intellectual charisma should be nurtured and moulded into true leaders who will bring Malaysia to greater heights. All in all, Malaysia needs leaders with ‘first world mentality’ to achieve the nine challenges of Vision 2020.

Conclusion:

Malaysia is a country blessed with its abundance of natural resources and lovely people. Yet today we are witnessing the possibility of racial tensions after nearly 40 years since the dark episode. If every Malaysian citizen never forgets the five aforementioned lessons, Malaysia is indeed a haven of ‘excellence, glory and distinction’ on earth, as ideal as she can be, while still maintaining the Asian and traditional culture in the face of globalisation and internationalisation. In the end of the day, it is still the interest for history that matters. People should be encouraged to study not only Malaysian, but global history, which includes civilisations, cultures and religions. Only then can we truly understand and appreciate one another. The root cause of this problem has always been the education system in Malaysia. School text books tend to be written in a politicised manner. Elaboration of cultures and religions should be highlighted instead of ‘politics’. When one studies the true meaning of history, one can then enlighten one’s mind. I end this essay with a quotation by Herodotus, the father of history, who reasoned out why he wrote ‘The Histories’: Herodotus of Halicarnassus here displays his enquiry, so that human achievements may not become forgotten in time, and great and marvellous deeds – some displayed by Greeks, some by barbarians – may not be without their glory; and especially to show why the two peoples fought with each other.

(1841 words)


Written by Melvin Chin for the PLF Public Outreach Programme Essay Compeition. This essay won the fourth prize. Prize giving ceremony to be held on 19 Sept 2007. The writer would like to congratulate the other winners and thank PLF for the prize.